Traditions of the Yakut people. Traditions and customs of the Yakuts
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Ministry of Education and Science Russian Federation
Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution
Higher professional education
NATIONAL RESEARCH
IRKUTSK STATE TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY
Institute of Architecture and Construction
Department of Urban Construction and Economy
ABSTRACT
Yakuts: Ttradition, byt, Toculture
Completed by: student of group EUNbz-12 P.N. Sveshnikov
Accepted by: teacher V.G. Zhitov
Standard control V.G. Zhitov
Irkutsk 2014
Introduction
1.3 Culture
a) religion
b) art
1.4 Traditions
a) crafts
b) home
c) clothes
d) National cuisine
Conclusion
Bibliography
Introduction
We must always remember this. Almost four centuries have passed since Yakutia became part of the Russian state. The entire path traveled by the Yakuts and other northern peoples during this time, the historical events and phenomena that occurred in their history during this period, the traditional friendship of the Yakut and Russian peoples irrefutably indicate that the entry of Yakutia into Russia was an event of enormous progressive significance.
The Yakuts are a people whose traditions and culture are little known to other peoples. That's why I became interested in this topic.
Friendship of peoples, harmony and peace between peoples is a very fragile and delicate thing. Therefore, in our time the national question is very acute, interethnic conflicts often arise. Some peoples consider themselves superior in importance and allow themselves to humiliate and destroy other peoples.
Objectives: To study the characteristics of the Yakuts as a people, to learn about their traditions, culture, way of life, language, clothing, national cuisine and faith.
To achieve the goal, I worked with literature in the city and school libraries, I used encyclopedias: Great encyclopedia Cyril and Methodius, Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Russia, theoretical materials of textbooks for grades 8 and 9 on the geography of Russia (
I believe that the content of my work can be used in geography lessons, history, in extracurricular activities and in elective courses.
I. Yakuts. Tradition. Life Culture
1.1 General characteristics of Yakutia
Self-name Sakha sakhauryanghai. The Yakuts have their own autonomy, the Republic of Yakutia (Sakha). YAKUTIA (Republic of Sakha), a republic in the Russian Federation. Area 3103.2 thousand km2 (including the New Siberian Islands). Population 973.8 thousand people (2001), urban 66%; Yakuts, Russians, Ukrainians, Evenks, Evens, Chukchi. 33 districts, 13 cities. The capital is Yakutsk. Yakutia (Republic of Sakha) is freely spread out in the northeast of the country. This is the largest of the Russian republics: its area is about 3 million km2, i.e. a fifth of the entire territory of the Russian Federation. How far Yakutia is from the European part of Russia can be judged simply because local time is six hours ahead of Moscow.
Yakutia is located in the north of Eastern Siberia and includes the New Siberian Islands. More than 1/3 of the territory is located beyond the Arctic Circle. Most of it is occupied by vast mountain systems, highlands and plateaus. In the west is the Central Siberian Plateau, bounded on the east by the Central Yakut Lowland. In the east are the Verkhoyansky and Chersky ridges (height up to 3147 m) and the Yano-Oymyakon Highlands located between them. In the south are the Aldan Highlands and the border Stanovoy Range. In the northern part there are the North Siberian, Yana-Indigirsk and Kolyma lowlands. In the northeast is the Yukagir Plateau.
It is washed by the Laptev and East Siberian seas. Large rivers - Lena (with tributaries Olekma, Aldan and Vilyui), Anabar, Olenek, Yana, Indigirka, Alazeya, Kolyma. Vilyui Reservoir. Over 700 lakes: Mogotoevo, Nerpichye, Nedzheli, etc.
Most of the territory of Yakutia is located in the middle taiga zone, which to the north gives way to forest-tundra and tundra zones. The soils are predominantly frozen-taiga, sod-forest, alluvial-meadow, mountain-forest and tundra-gley.
Yakutia - plateaus, plateaus and mountains. In the northeast, the Verkhoyansk Range bends in a giant arc. Its peaks soared to a height of more than two kilometers. The chains of mountains separating the basins of the Yana, Indigirka and Kolyma rivers extend mainly in the northern and northwestern directions. Breaking through to the ocean, some rivers create narrow valleys in mountain ranges. The most striking example is the so-called Lena Pipe, 2-4 km wide. The lowlands - North Siberian, Yana-Indigirsk, Kolyma - stretch in the far north. The highest point of the region is Mount Pobeda (3147 m) in the Ulakhan-Chistai ridge. In terms of geological age, Yakutia is an ancient land, which over many millions of years has accumulated innumerable riches in its depths and experienced various events. On its territory, even a trace from the impact of a huge meteorite body was found - the so-called Popigai crater. It was only in the 20th century that the treasures of this region began to be discovered; their exploration and development required enormous material costs, and above all, the courage and bravery of the pioneers.
Most of the plains and plateaus are covered with forests, dominated by Daurian larch (in Yakut “tit-mas”). The wide distribution of this tree is explained by its adaptability to harsh conditions. Pine trees are found on sandy terraces large rivers- Lena, Aldan, Vilyuy, Olekma. The summer landscape in the Yakut taiga is very beautiful: the sun's glare falls on a carpet of moss and lingonberries. There is almost no undergrowth - only young larch trees with even more delicate colored needles. In autumn the forest turns golden; on cloudy September days it seems to be illuminated from within. Thanks to the windless weather, the taiga remains covered in gold until the snowfalls.
Charans are often found - areas where vegetation is combined with bare soils. Birch trees grow from trees in such bald spots, feather grass and other representatives of the steppes grow from grasses. It’s a paradox, but southern plants come very close to the Arctic Circle. The reason lies in the peculiarities of the climate (in summer in Yakutia it is similar to the steppe), as well as in the nature of the soils, which are well moistened when the upper permafrost layer melts.
As a result of the melting of ice, alases are formed - shallow (up to 6 - 10 m) depressions of varying areas (from hundreds to tens of thousands of square meters). The bottom of the alass is flat; in its center you can sometimes see an overgrown lake. Usually the alas are treeless, only occasionally do birches grow on them - singly or in groups, and mostly dense grass dominates. The soil of the Yakut alas is highly saline, often salty and the water in short-lived lakes. Therefore, before brewing tea - thick in Yakut style - the traveler should taste the lake water. Alas attract elk, wapiti, and roe deer, which come to feast on the lush grass and exposed salt.
At higher elevations, the taiga gradually thins out and turns into thin-trunked forest; then swamps with hummocks and blueberry thickets appear. Even higher begins the belt of shrubs or dwarf cedar, moving along which is reminiscent of walking on a trampoline: the creeping branches spring and throw the traveler up. The highest peaks are chars covered with kurums, tongues of “stone rivers” descending into the forest zone. Under a pile of stones, at a depth of one and a half meters, you can see ice; In such natural freezers, hunters preserve meat for future use.
In the north of Yakutia, the taiga gives way to forest-tundra, and on the coast of the Arctic Ocean, a wide border of lichen tundra extends. There is even a strip of arctic tundra (in the northwest). Tiny creeping birches grow on the flat, swampy interfluves. The frozen ground is covered with cracks, which fill with water in the summer. In the valleys of large rivers, the landscape comes to life: meadows and low-growing larches appear, bent by the winds. Perhaps, if you choose a symbol of the Republic of Sakha, then the larch would be the most suitable.
Natural conditions also determine the nature of the animal world. In the past, sable was considered the main wealth of Yakutia. Centuries of predatory extermination have led to the fact that this animal is only occasionally found in inaccessible areas. Now the main game animals are squirrel, arctic fox, mountain hare, fox, ermine, weasel.
A small, fluffy chipmunk is often encountered. If, having met him, you stop for a while and freeze, he will definitely try to get a better look at the stranger. Another animal that lives in the tundra is the lemming. It is covered with thick fur, which protects it from the cold. The Yakuts know: there are a lot of lemmings - the main food of arctic foxes - and the hunting season will be successful.
Of the large ungulates, the taiga is home to elk, wapiti, musk deer, and roe deer. In the past, wild deer were hunted, but now this animal is rare; its place was taken by domestic deer, which is used as a draft animal.
The large bighorn sheep found in the mountains is protected. The Ussuri tiger can occasionally wander into the south-eastern regions of Yakutia from the Ussuri forests. A stuffed tiger killed in 1905 is on display in the Yakutsk Museum. near the village of Ust-Maya on Aldan. The predator then killed several herd horses and was discovered by huge tracks.
Numerous water arteries intersect from south to north of the territory of Yakutia. Lena, Anabar, Olenyok, Yana, Indigirka, Kolyma and other rivers carry their waters to the Arctic Ocean. The warmest of the rivers “heat” the bottoms of the valleys, as a result of which areas of soil in frozen rocks thaw. The Lena (over 4400 km) is one of the top ten largest rivers in the world. In total, in Yakutia there are over 700 thousand rivers and streams and about the same number of lakes. When asked about the number of lakes in the region, local residents answer that there are as many of them “as there are stars in the sky.”
The main transport route of Yakutia is the Lena River. From the end of May - beginning of June, ships with equipment, fuel, food and other cargo move along it in a continuous stream. Navigation is a busy time; only four months in the center of the republic and two or three in the north are allotted for crossing everything necessary by the cheapest waterway. Large ships, carrying two to three thousand tons, scurry up and down the Lena, Aldan and Vilyuy, as well as along large tributaries. Even “sailors” - sea vessels with a displacement of 5 thousand tons - go across high water to collect cargo for the whole of Yakutia to the port of Osetrovo.
In the city of Aldan there is a remarkable monument - an old truck is placed on a pedestal. Such vehicles delivered goods from the village of Never, through which the Trans-Siberian Railway passes, to the Aldan gold mines. After the Trans-Siberian Railway was extended to Yakutsk, communications with many settlements improved significantly. A highway has been built from the port of Lensk to the city of Mirny (the center of the diamond mining industry).
The Baikal-Amur Mainline connected the Chulmanovsky coking coal deposits with industrial centers. In the future, it is planned to continue the BAM rails to the cities of Aldan and Tommot, and in the 21st century, perhaps, the turn will come to Yakutsk.
Airplanes appeared in Yakutia in the early 30s. and immediately gained popularity because they connected remote corners with the center. The population of Yakutia is the most “flying” in Russia, and perhaps in the world. At the airport of a small village you can meet a Yakut woman who is rushing to catch a plane to visit her granddaughter who lives 500 km away.
The economy of the region is mainly based on the natural wealth of the Yakut subsoil. There are over 40 thousand mineral deposits in the republic. During the existence of the mining industry of Yakutia, 1.5 thousand tons of gold alone were extracted. The region has provided the country with many millions of tons of coal and millions of cubic meters of natural gas. However, according to many scientists, the main riches are still awaiting development. The region may truly make a statement about them in the 21st century.
There are up to 40 species of fish in rivers and lakes: among them taimen, broad whitefish, perch, pike, omul, nelma, muksun, vendace, peled, crucian carp. In Lena they catch the Siberian king fish - the Khatys sturgeon. The beautiful grayling lives in mountain rivers. There could have been much more fish if they had not died due to lack of food and lack of oxygen in freezing reservoirs.
Like the circulatory system, the rivers of Yakutia bring life to all remote parts of the region. the main arteries are the Lena and its branched tributaries. Other large rivers - Olenyok, Yana, Indigirka, Kolyma - do not directly communicate with the Lena and with each other, but they are all united by the Arctic Ocean, where they flow. The Lena and its tributaries collect most of their waters south of Yakutia, in the mountains of Southern Siberia. The basin of this river is exceptionally large in area, which also explains its abundance.
Since ancient times, rivers have been routes along which peoples migrated. In summer they traveled by boat, in winter - on ice. Housing was also built along the banks.
The modern name of the republic is derived from the ethnic names of the indigenous population: Sakha - a self-name and Yakut - a Russian name borrowed in the 17th century. among the Evens. Yakutsk, founded in 1632, from the very beginning developed as an administrative and commercial center of Eastern Siberia. In the 19th century it became notorious as a place of political criminals.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the city had approximately 6 thousand inhabitants. Along with houses there were also yurts; however, there were 16 educational institutions, including a theological seminary, a museum, a printing house, and two libraries.
During the years of Soviet power, the appearance of Yakutsk began to change rapidly. In place of workshops and small enterprises, a diversified industry arose. There is a powerful ship repair plant, miners of the Kangalas coal mine extract coal, and there are modern power plants - state district power station and thermal power plant. The population of Yakutsk exceeded 200 thousand people. The capital of the Sakha Republic is multinational; a significant part of the population are Yakuts.
The city has a university and an agricultural institute, three theaters, several dozen museums; Scientific Center of the Siberian Branch Russian Academy Sciences unites about 30 research centers. At the entrance to the only Institute of Permafrost Science in Russia there is a sculpture of a mammoth. The Shergin mine, a 116.6 m deep well dug in the mid-19th century, is still used to study permafrost.
1.2 Features of the Yakut language
Yakut language, one of the Turkic languages; forms the Yakut subgroup of the Uighur-Oguz (according to the classification of N.A. Baskakov) group or belongs to the conditionally distinguished “north-eastern” group. Distributed in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), where, along with Russian, it is a state language (and, according to the Constitution of the republic, is called language of the Sakha - by the self-name of the Yakuts), in the Taimyr (Dolgano-Nenets) Autonomous Okrug and some other regions of Eastern Siberia and Far East. The number of speakers is about 390 thousand people, and Yakut is spoken not only by ethnic Yakuts, but also by representatives of a number of other peoples. Previously, the Yakut language served as a regional language of interethnic communication in the North-East of Siberia. 65% of Yakuts speak Russian fluently; Russian-Yakut-Evenki, Russian-Yakut-Evenki, Russian-Yakut-Yukaghir and some other types of multilingualism are also common.
Three groups of dialects are distinguished: western (left bank of the Lena: Vilyui and northwestern dialects), eastern (right bank of the Lena: central and northeastern dialects) and the Dolgan dialect (Taimyr and Anabar region of the Republic of Sakha), which is spoken by the small Dolgan people and which sometimes considered as a separate language.
Like the Chuvash language, Yakut is located on the geographical periphery of the Turkic-speaking world and is very different (by the standards of the Turkic family) from other languages included in it. In phonetics, the Yakut language is characterized by the preservation of primary long vowels and diphthongs, which have disappeared in most Turkic languages; in grammar - unchangeable personal pronouns of the 1st and 2nd persons, a rich system of cases (in the absence of common Turkic genitive and local - a unique feature of the Yakut language), a variety of ways of expressing direct objects and some other features. The syntax remains typically Turkic. The specificity of the Yakut language in the field of vocabulary is very significant, which is associated with the numerous borrowings from the Mongolian, Evenki and Russian languages; The Dolgan dialect was especially strongly influenced by the Evenki dialect. The active vocabulary of the Yakut language contains about 2.5 thousand words of Mongolian origin; As for Russian borrowings, there were already more than 3 thousand of them in the pre-revolutionary period, and in some borrowings words that had fallen out of active use in the Russian language itself were preserved, for example, araspaanya “surname” from the Russian nickname or solkuobai “ruble” from the Russian ruble. In the language of the press, the share of Russian borrowings reaches 42%.
The literary Yakut language was formed under the influence of the language of folklore in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. based on central dialects; Translated missionary literature has been published since the 19th century. (the first book was published in 1812). Several writing systems were used (all on a Cyrillic basis): missionary, in which mainly church literature was published; Bötlingkovskaya, which published scientific publications and the first periodicals; and writing in the Russian civil alphabet. In 1922, S.A. Novgorodov’s alphabet was introduced, created on the basis of international phonetic transcription; in the 1930-1940s there was writing on a Latin basis, since 1940 - on the basis of Russian graphics with some additional letters. Teaching is conducted in the Yakut language, including in higher school(Yakut and Turkic philology and culture), periodicals, a variety of literature are published, radio and television broadcasts are conducted.
The Yakut language is one of the most well-studied Turkic languages.
Yakutia culture life traditions
1.3 Culture
The stage of formation of the Yakut culture is associated with the Baikal Kurykans, which included not only a Turkic basis, but also Mongolian and Tungusic components. It is among the Kurykans that the integration of multi-ethnic cultural traditions takes place, which laid the foundation for Yakut semi-sedentary cattle breeding, a number of elements of material culture, and the anthropological characteristics of the Yakuts. In the X-XI centuries. The Kurykans were strongly influenced by their Mongol-speaking neighbors, which is clearly visible in the vocabulary of the Yakut language. The Mongols also influenced the subsequent migration of the ancestors of the Yakuts down the Lena. The inclusion of the Kipchak component (ethnonymy, language, rituals) in the ancestors of the Yakuts dates back to the same time, which makes it possible to distinguish two Turkic cultural and chronological layers in the culture of the Yakuts; ancient Turkic, which has correspondences in the culture of the Sagais, Beltyrs, Tuvans and Kypchak - separate groups of West Siberian Tatars, northern Altaians, Kachins and Kyzyls.
Olonkho is the general name of the works of the Yakut heroic epic. The works of the epic are called by the names of their heroes (“Nyurgunt Bootur”, “Ebekhtei Bergen”, “Muldyu the Strong”, etc.). All works of Olonkho are more or less similar only in style, but also in composition; They are also united by the traditional images of all Olonkho (heroes - heroes, heroines, ancestors, the sage Seerkeen, Sesen, the slave Ssimehsin, the cannibals "abasasy!", the evil diege-baaba, etc.). The main content of the epic reflects the period of decomposition of ordinary people among the Yakuts, inter-tribal and inter-clan relations. Olonkho raziers reach 10-15 thousand or more poetic lines. The plots of Olonkho are based on the struggle of the heroes of the “Aiyy Aimanga” tribe with the mythical monsters of the “Abaasy” tribe, who kill people, ruin the country, and kidnap women. The heroes of Olonkho defend the peaceful, happy life of their tribe from monsters and usually emerge victorious. At the same time, aggressive goals are alien to them. The establishment of a peaceful life with fair relations among people is the main idea of Olonkho. The Olonkho style is characterized by techniques of fairy-tale fiction, contrast and exaggeration of images, complex epithets and comparisons. The extensive descriptions contained in the epic speak in detail about the nature of the country, dwellings, clothing, and tools. These descriptions, often repeated, generally occupy at least half of the epic. Olonkho is the most valuable cultural monument of the Yakut people.
Olonkhust is a storyteller, performer of the Yakut heroic epic Olonkho. The performance of Olonkho is not accompanied by a musical accompaniment. The speeches of the heroes and other characters of Olonkho are sung, the rest - the narrative part - is expressed in recitative. The names of outstanding Olonkhusts are popular among the people. This is (D.M. Govorov, T.V. Zakharov, etc.)
The subsequent formation of the Yakut culture proper, the basis of which was semi-sedentary cattle breeding at high latitudes, took place in the Middle Lena basin. Here the ancestors of the Yakuts appear at the end of the 13th - beginning of the 14th centuries. The archeology of this region illustrates the subsequent evolution of Yakut culture up to the XVII-XVIII centuries. It is here that a special model of the Yakut economy is formed, combining cattle breeding and extensive types of crafts (fishing and hunting), material culture adapted to the harsh climate of Eastern Siberia, distinguishing the Yakuts from their southern neighbors pastoralists, while preserving many of the underlying features of the common Turkic cultural tradition (worldview, folklore, ornament, language).
a) religion
Orthodoxy spread in the 18th and 19th centuries. The Christian cult was combined with belief in good and evil spirits, the spirits of deceased shamans, master spirits, etc. Elements of totemism were preserved: the clan had a patron animal, which was forbidden to kill, call by name, etc. The world consisted of several tiers, the head of the upper one was considered Yuryung ayi toyon, the lower one - Ala buurai toyon, etc. The cult of the female fertility deity Aiyysyt was important. Horses were sacrificed to the spirits living in the upper world, and cows in the lower world. The main holiday is the spring-summer koumiss festival (Ysyakh), accompanied by libations of koumiss from large wooden cups (choroon), games, sports competitions, etc. Shamanism was developed. Shamanic drums (dyungyur) are close to Evenki ones.
b) art
In folklore, the heroic epic (olonkho) was developed, performed in recitative by special storytellers (olonkhosut) in front of a large crowd of people; historical legends, fairy tales, especially tales about animals, proverbs, songs. Traditional musical instruments- Jew's harp (khomus), violin (kyryimpa), drums. Among the dances, round dance osuokhai, play dances, etc. are common.
1.4 Traditions
a) crafts
The main traditional occupations are horse breeding (in Russian documents of the 17th century, the Yakuts were called “horse people”) and cattle breeding. Men looked after horses, women looked after cattle. In the north, deer were bred. Cattle were kept on pasture in the summer and in barns (khotons) in the winter. Haymaking was known before the arrival of the Russians. Yakut cattle breeds were distinguished by their endurance, but were unproductive.
Fishing was also developed. We fished mainly in the summer, but also in the ice hole in the winter; In the fall, a collective seine was organized with the division of the spoils between all participants. For poor people who did not have livestock, fishing was the main occupation (in documents of the 17th century, the term “fisherman” - balyksyt - is used in the meaning of “poor man”), some tribes also specialized in it - the so-called “foot Yakuts” - Osekui, Ontuls, Kokui, Kirikians, Kyrgydais, Orgots and others.
Hunting was especially widespread in the north, constituting the main source of food here (arctic fox, hare, reindeer, elk, poultry). In the taiga, before the arrival of the Russians, both meat and fur hunting (bear, elk, squirrel, fox, hare, bird, etc.) were known; later, due to the decrease in the number of animals, its importance fell. Specific hunting techniques are characteristic: with a bull (the hunter sneaks up on the prey, hiding behind the bull), horse chasing the animal along the trail, sometimes with dogs.
There was gathering - collecting pine and larch sapwood ( inner layer bark), which was stored in dried form for the winter, roots (saran, mint, etc.), greens (wild onions, horseradish, sorrel); raspberries, which were considered unclean, were not consumed from the berries.
Wood processing was developed (artistic carving, painting with alder decoction), birch bark, fur, leather; dishes were made from leather, rugs were made from horse and cow skins sewn in a checkerboard pattern, blankets were made from hare fur, etc.; cords were hand-twisted from horsehair, woven, and embroidered. There was no spinning, weaving or felting of felt. The production of molded ceramics, which distinguished the Yakuts from other peoples of Siberia, has been preserved. Melting and forging of iron, which had commercial value, smelting and minting of silver, copper, etc., were developed, and from the 19th century - carving on mammoth bone. They moved mainly on horseback, and carried loads in packs. There were known skis lined with horse camus, sleighs (silis syarga, later - sleighs of the Russian wood type), usually harnessed to oxen, and in the north - straight-hoofed reindeer sledges; The types of boats are common with the Evenks - birch bark (tyy) or flat-bottomed from boards.
b) home
Winter settlements (kystyk) were located near the meadows, consisting of 1-3 yurts, summer settlements - near pastures, numbering up to 10 yurts. The winter yurt (booth, diie) had sloping walls made of standing thin logs on a rectangular log frame and a low gable roof. The walls were coated on the outside with clay and manure, the roof was covered with bark and earth on top of the log flooring. The house was placed in the cardinal directions, the entrance was located in the east, the windows were in the south and west, the roof was oriented from north to south. To the right of the entrance, in the north-eastern corner, there was a fireplace (osoh) - a pipe made of poles coated with clay, going out through the roof. Plank bunks (oron) were arranged along the walls. The most honorable was the southwestern corner. The master's place was located near the western wall. The bunks to the left of the entrance were intended for male youth and workers, and to the right, by the hearth, for women. A table (ostuol) and stools were placed in the front corner. On the northern side of the yurt a stable (khoton) was attached, often under the same roof as the living quarters; the door to it from the yurt was located behind the fireplace. A canopy or canopy was installed in front of the entrance to the yurt. The yurt was surrounded by a low embankment, often with a fence. A hitching post was placed near the house, often decorated with carvings. Summer yurts differed little from winter ones. Instead of a hoton, a stable for calves (titik), sheds, etc. were placed at a distance. There was a conical structure made of poles covered with birch bark (urasa), and in the north - with turf (kalyman, holuman). Since the end of the 18th century, polygonal log yurts with a pyramidal roof have been known. From the 2nd half of the 18th century, Russian huts spread.
c) clothes
Traditional men's and women's clothing - short leather trousers, fur belly, leather leggings, single-breasted caftan (sleep), in winter - fur, in summer - from horse or cow hide with the hair inside, for the rich - from fabric. Later, fabric shirts with a turn-down collar (yrbakhy) appeared. Men girded themselves with a leather belt with a knife and a flint; for the rich, with silver and copper plaques. A typical women's wedding fur caftan (sangiyakh), embroidered with red and green cloth and gold braid; an elegant women's fur hat made of expensive fur, descending to the back and shoulders, with a high cloth, velvet or brocade top with a silver plaque (tuosakhta) and other decorations sewn onto it. Women's silver and gold jewelry is common. Footwear - winter high boots made of reindeer or horse skins with the hair facing out (eterbes), summer boots made of soft leather (saars) with a boot covered with cloth, for women - with appliqué, long fur stockings.
d) National cuisine
The main food is dairy, especially in summer: from mare's milk - kumiss, from cow's milk - yogurt (suorat, sora), cream (kuerchekh), butter; they drank butter melted or with kumiss; suorat was prepared frozen for the winter (tar) with the addition of berries, roots, etc.; from it, with the addition of water, flour, roots, pine sapwood, etc., a stew (butugas) was prepared. Fish food played main role For the poor and in the northern regions where there were no livestock, meat was consumed mainly by the rich. Horsemeat was especially prized. In the 19th century, barley flour came into use: unleavened flatbreads, pancakes, and salamat stew were made from it. Vegetables were known in the Olekminsky district.
Conclusion
Using the example of the Yakut people, I wanted to prove that we need to treat other peoples favorably, and I hope I succeeded. Each nation has its own pros and cons of their way of life and existing traditions. The Yakut people formed on the Lena as a result of the absorption of local tribes by southern Turkic-speaking settlers. On the farm and material culture Yakuts are dominated by traits similar to the culture of pastoralists Central Asia, but there are also northern taiga elements. The main occupation of the Yakuts from the time of entry into the Russian state (17th century) until the mid-19th century. There was semi-nomadic cattle breeding. They raised cattle and horses. In the 17th century, individual Yakut households began to switch to agriculture, but a massive transition took place in the 2nd half of the 19th century. With the exception of certain areas, hunting and fishing played an auxiliary role, but for the poor, fishing was an important branch of the economy. Among the crafts, blacksmithing received a well-known development. The Yakuts knew how to smelt iron from ore. Like many peoples of Russia, the Yakuts have a rich oral folk art: heroic epic olonkho. Bone and wood carvings are common, as well as traditional embroidery on tortoiseshells, mittens, and turtles.
I believe that other peoples, including Russians, have a lot to learn from the Yakuts. We should be proud that peoples such as the Yakuts are part of our country. It is necessary to take into account that Yakutia occupies vast territories of Russia. The Yakut people have their own unique features in life, traditions and culture. Nowadays, there are many interethnic conflicts and I hope that soon people will come to their senses and they will not exist. Russian people should always remember that Russia is a multinational country, this is our strength, the versatility of ideas and strength of spirit.
Bibliography
1. Alekseev A.I. and others. Geography of Russia: Economy and geographical areas: Textbook. for 8-9 grades general education institutions.. - M.: Bustard, 2005. - P. 153-160.
2. Great Russian Encyclopedia / Chairman of scientific editor. Council of Yu.S. Osipov. Rep. ed. S.L. Kravets. T..- M.: Great Russian Encyclopedia, 2004.- P. 420-451.
3. Great Soviet Encyclopedia / Ch. ed. Vvedensky B.A. T. 49 .- M: Great Soviet Encyclopedia.-S 49-60
4. Encyclopedia for children. Countries, peoples, Civilizations/ Chapter. ed. M.D. Aksyonova - M.: Avanta+, 2001..- P 457-466
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Yakuts (self-name Sakha; pl. h. sugar) - Turkic-speaking people, the indigenous population of Yakutia. The Yakut language belongs to the Turkic group of languages. According to the results of the 2010 All-Russian Population Census, 478.1 thousand Yakuts lived in Russia, mainly in Yakutia (466.5 thousand), as well as in the Irkutsk, Magadan regions, Khabarovsk and Krasnoyarsk territories. The Yakuts are the most numerous (49.9% of the population) people in Yakutia and the largest of the indigenous peoples of Siberia within the borders of the Russian Federation.
Distribution area
The distribution of Yakuts across the territory of the republic is extremely uneven. About nine of them are concentrated in the central regions - in the former Yakutsk and Vilyuisk districts. These are the two main groups of the Yakut people: the first of them is slightly larger in number than the second. The “Yakut” (or Amga-Lena) Yakuts occupy the quadrangle between the Lena, lower Aldan and Amga, the taiga plateau, as well as the adjacent left bank of the Lena. The “Vilyui” Yakuts occupy the Vilyui basin. In these indigenous Yakut areas, the most typical, purely Yakut way of life developed; here, at the same time, especially on the Amga-Lena Plateau, it is best studied. The third, much smaller group of Yakuts is settled in the Olekminsk region. The Yakuts of this group became more Russified; in their way of life (but not in language) they became closer to the Russians. And finally, the last, smallest, but widely dispersed group of Yakuts is the population of the northern regions of Yakutia, i.e., the river basins. Kolyma, Indigirka, Yana, Olenek, Anabar.
The Northern Yakuts are distinguished by a completely unique cultural and everyday way of life: in relation to it, they are more like the hunting and fishing small peoples of the North, the Tungus, the Yukagirs, than their southern fellow tribesmen. These northern Yakuts are even called “Tungus” in some places (for example, in the upper reaches of Olenek and Anabara), although by language they are Yakuts and call themselves Sakha.
History and origin
According to a common hypothesis, the ancestors of modern Yakuts are the nomadic tribe of Kurykans, who lived in Transbaikalia until the 14th century. In turn, the Kurykans came to the Lake Baikal area from across the Yenisei River.
Most scientists believe that in the XII-XIV centuries AD. e. The Yakuts migrated in several waves from the area of Lake Baikal to the basin of the Lena, Aldan and Vilyuy, where they partially assimilated and partially displaced the Evenks (Tungus) and Yukagirs (Oduls), who had lived here earlier. The Yakuts have traditionally been engaged in cattle breeding (Yakut cow), having gained unique experience in breeding cattle in a sharply continental climate in northern latitudes, horse breeding (Yakut horse), fishing, hunting, and developed trade, blacksmithing and military affairs.
According to Yakut legends, the ancestors of the Yakuts rafted down the Lena River with livestock, household belongings and people until they discovered the Tuymaada Valley, suitable for raising cattle. Now this place is where modern Yakutsk is located. According to the same legends, the ancestors of the Yakuts were led by two leaders Elley Bootur and Omogoi Baai.
According to archaeological and ethnographic data, the Yakuts were formed as a result of the absorption of local tribes from the middle reaches of the Lena by southern Turkic-speaking settlers. It is believed that the last wave of the southern ancestors of the Yakuts penetrated the Middle Lena in the 14th–15th centuries. Racially, the Yakuts belong to the Central Asian anthropological type of the North Asian race. Compared to other Turkic-speaking peoples of Siberia, they are characterized by the strongest manifestation of the Mongoloid complex, the final formation of which took place in the middle of the second millennium AD already on the Lena.
It is assumed that some groups of Yakuts, for example, reindeer herders of the north-west, arose relatively recently as a result of the mixing of individual groups of Evenks with Yakuts, immigrants from the central regions of Yakutia. In the process of resettlement to Eastern Siberia, the Yakuts mastered the basins of the northern rivers Anabar, Olenka, Yana, Indigirka and Kolyma. The Yakuts modified the Tungus reindeer herding and created the Tungus-Yakut type of harness reindeer herding.
The inclusion of the Yakuts into the Russian state in the 1620s–1630s accelerated their socio-economic and cultural development. In the 17th–19th centuries, the main occupation of the Yakuts was cattle breeding (breeding cattle and horses), from the second half of the 19th century centuries, a significant part began to engage in agriculture; hunting and fishing played a supporting role. The main type of dwelling was a log booth, in summer - a urasa made of poles. Clothes were made from skins and fur. In the second half of the 18th century, most of the Yakuts were converted to Christianity, but traditional beliefs were also preserved.
Under Russian influence, Christian onomastics spread among the Yakuts, almost completely replacing pre-Christian Yakut names. Currently, Yakuts bear both names of Greek and Latin origin (Christian) and Yakut names.
Yakuts and Russians
Accurate historical information about the Yakuts is available only from the time of their first contact with the Russians, i.e., from the 1620s, and their accession to the Russian state. The Yakuts did not constitute a single political whole at that time, but were divided into a number of tribes independent from each other. However, tribal relations were already disintegrating, and there was a rather sharp class stratification. The tsarist governors and servicemen used inter-tribal strife to break the resistance of part of the Yakut population; They also took advantage of the class contradictions within it, pursuing a policy of systematic support for the dominant aristocratic layer - the princes (toyons), whom they turned into their agents for governing the Yakut region. From that time on, class contradictions among the Yakuts began to become more and more aggravated.
The situation of the mass of the Yakut population was difficult. The Yakuts paid yasak in sable and fox furs, and carried out a number of other duties, being subject to extortion from the tsar's servants, Russian merchants and their toyons. After unsuccessful attempts at uprisings (1634, 1636–1637, 1639–1640, 1642), after the Toyons went over to the side of the governors, the Yakut mass could react to oppression only with scattered, isolated attempts at resistance and flight from the indigenous uluses to the outskirts. By the end of the 18th century, as a result of the predatory management of the tsarist authorities, the depletion of the fur wealth of the Yakut region and its partial desolation were revealed. At the same time, the Yakut population, which for various reasons migrated from the Lena-Vilyui region, appeared on the outskirts of Yakutia, where it had not previously existed: on Kolyma, Indigirka, Olenek, Anabar, right up to the Lower Tunguska basin.
But even in those first decades, contact with the Russian people had a beneficial effect on the economy and culture of the Yakuts. The Russians brought with them a higher culture; already from the middle of the 17th century. farming appears on the Lena; Russian type of buildings, Russian clothing made of fabrics, new types of crafts, new furnishings and household items gradually began to penetrate the environment of the Yakut population.
It was extremely important that with the establishment of Russian power in Yakutia, inter-tribal wars and predatory raids of the Toyons, which had previously been a great disaster for the Yakut population, ceased. The willfulness of the Russian service people, who had more than once quarreled with each other and drawn the Yakuts into their feuds, was also suppressed. The order that had already been established in the Yakut land since the 1640s was better than the previous state of chronic anarchy and constant strife.
In the 18th century, in connection with the further advance of the Russians to the east (the annexation of Kamchatka, Chukotka, the Aleutian Islands, and Alaska), Yakutia played the role of a transit route and a base for new campaigns and the development of distant lands. The influx of the Russian peasant population (especially along the Lena River valley, in connection with the establishment of a postal route in 1773) created conditions for cultural mutual influence of Russian and Yakut elements. Already at the end of the 17th and 18th centuries. Agriculture begins to spread among the Yakuts, although very slowly at first, and Russian-style houses appear. However, the number of Russian settlers remained even in the 19th century. relatively small. Along with peasant colonization in the 19th century. The sending of exiled settlers to Yakutia was of great importance. Together with criminal exiles, who had a negative impact on the Yakuts, in the second half of the 19th century. In Yakutia, political exiles appeared, first populists, and in the 1890s, Marxists, who played a large role in the cultural and political development of the Yakut masses.
By the beginning of the 20th century. Great progress was observed in the economic development of Yakutia, at least its central regions (Yakutsky, Vilyuisky, Olekminsky districts). A domestic market was created. The growth of economic ties accelerated the development of national identity.
During the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917, the movement of the Yakut masses for their liberation developed deeper and wider. At first it was (especially in Yakutsk) under the predominant leadership of the Bolsheviks. But after the departure (in May 1917) of most of the political exiles to Russia in Yakutia, the counter-revolutionary forces of Toyonism, which entered into an alliance with the Socialist-Revolutionary-bourgeois part of the Russian urban population, gained the upper hand. The struggle for Soviet power in Yakutia dragged on for a long time. Only on June 30, 1918, the power of the soviets was first proclaimed in Yakutsk, and only in December 1919, after the liquidation of the Kolchak regime throughout Siberia, Soviet power was finally established in Yakutia.
Religion
Their life is connected with shamanism. Building a house, having children and many other aspects of life do not take place without the participation of a shaman. On the other hand, a significant part of the half-million Yakut population professes Orthodox Christianity or even adheres to agnostic beliefs.
This people have their own tradition; before joining the Russian state, they professed “Aar Aiyy”. This religion presupposes the belief that the Yakuts are the children of Tanar - God and Relatives of the Twelve White Aiyy. Even from conception, the child is surrounded by spirits or, as the Yakuts call them, “Ichchi,” and there are also celestial beings who also surround the newly born child. Religion is documented in the department of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Yakutia. In the 18th century, Yakutia underwent universal Christianity, but the people approached this with the hope of certain religions from the Russian state.
Housing
The Yakuts trace their ancestry back to nomadic tribes. That's why they live in yurts. However, unlike the Mongolian felt yurts, the round dwelling of the Yakuts is built from the trunks of small trees with a cone-shaped steel roof. There are many windows in the walls, under which sun loungers are located at different heights. Partitions are installed between them, forming a semblance of rooms, and a smear hearth is tripled in the center. In the summer, temporary birch bark yurts - uras - can be erected. And since the 20th century, some Yakuts have been settling in huts.
Winter settlements (kystyk) were located near the meadows, consisting of 1-3 yurts, summer settlements - near pastures, numbering up to 10 yurts. The winter yurt (booth, diie) had sloping walls made of standing thin logs on a rectangular log frame and a low gable roof. The walls were coated on the outside with clay and manure, the roof was covered with bark and earth on top of the log flooring. The house was placed in the cardinal directions, the entrance was located on the east side, the windows were on the south and west, the roof was oriented from north to south. To the right of the entrance, in the north-eastern corner, there was a fireplace (osoh) - a pipe made of poles coated with clay, going out through the roof. Plank bunks (oron) were arranged along the walls. The most honorable was the southwestern corner. The master's place was located near the western wall. The bunks to the left of the entrance were intended for male youth and workers, and to the right, by the fireplace, for women. A table (ostuol) and stools were placed in the front corner. On the northern side of the yurt a stable (khoton) was attached, often under the same roof as the living quarters; the door to it from the yurt was located behind the fireplace. A canopy or canopy was installed in front of the entrance to the yurt. The yurt was surrounded by a low embankment, often with a fence. A hitching post was placed near the house, often decorated with carvings. Summer yurts differed little from winter ones. Instead of a hoton, a stable for calves (titik), sheds, etc. were placed at a distance. There was a conical structure made of poles covered with birch bark (urasa), in the north - with turf (kalyman, holuman). Since the end of the 18th century, polygonal log yurts with a pyramidal roof have been known. From the 2nd half of the 18th century, Russian huts spread.
Cloth
Traditional men's and women's clothing - short leather trousers, fur belly, leather leggings, single-breasted caftan (sleep), in winter - fur, in summer - from horse or cow hide with the hair inside, for the rich - from fabric. Later, fabric shirts with a turn-down collar (yrbakhy) appeared. Men girded themselves with a leather belt with a knife and a flint; for the rich, with silver and copper plaques. A typical women's wedding fur caftan (sangiyakh), embroidered with red and green cloth and gold braid; an elegant women's fur hat made of expensive fur, descending to the back and shoulders, with a high cloth, velvet or brocade top with a silver plaque (tuosakhta) and other decorations sewn onto it. Women's silver and gold jewelry is common. Shoes - winter high boots made of deer or horse skins with the hair facing out (eterbes), summer boots made of soft leather (saars) with a boot covered with cloth, for women - with appliqué, long fur stockings.
Food
The main food is dairy, especially in summer: from mare's milk - kumiss, from cow's milk - yogurt (suorat, sora), cream (kuerchekh), butter; they drank butter melted or with kumiss; suorat was prepared frozen for the winter (tar) with the addition of berries, roots, etc.; from it, with the addition of water, flour, roots, pine sapwood, etc., a stew (butugas) was prepared. Fish food played a major role for the poor, and in the northern regions, where there were no livestock, meat was consumed mainly by the rich. Horsemeat was especially prized. In the 19th century, barley flour came into use: unleavened flatbreads, pancakes, and salamat stew were made from it. Vegetables were known in the Olekminsky district.
Trades
The main traditional occupations are horse breeding (in Russian documents of the 17th century the Yakuts were called “horse people”) and cattle breeding. Men looked after horses, women looked after cattle. In the north, deer were bred. Cattle were kept on pasture in the summer and in barns (khotons) in the winter. Haymaking was known before the arrival of the Russians. Yakut cattle breeds were distinguished by their endurance, but were unproductive.
Fishing was also developed. We fished mainly in the summer, but also in the ice hole in the winter; In the fall, a collective seine was organized with the division of the spoils between all participants. For poor people who did not have livestock, fishing was the main occupation (in documents of the 17th century, the term “fisherman” - balyksyt - is used in the meaning of “poor man”), some tribes also specialized in it - the so-called “foot Yakuts” - Osekui, Ontuly, Kokui , Kirikians, Kyrgydians, Orgots and others.
Hunting was especially widespread in the north, constituting the main source of food here (arctic fox, hare, reindeer, elk, poultry). In the taiga, before the arrival of the Russians, both meat and fur hunting (bear, elk, squirrel, fox, hare, bird, etc.) were known; later, due to the decrease in the number of animals, its importance fell. Specific hunting techniques are characteristic: with a bull (the hunter sneaks up on the prey, hiding behind the bull), horse chasing the animal along the trail, sometimes with dogs.
There was gathering - the collection of pine and larch sapwood (the inner layer of bark), which was stored in dried form for the winter, roots (saran, mint, etc.), greens (wild onions, horseradish, sorrel); raspberries, which were considered unclean, were not consumed from the berries.
Agriculture (barley, to a lesser extent wheat) was borrowed from the Russians at the end of the 17th century, and was very poorly developed until the mid-19th century; Its spread (especially in the Olekminsky district) was facilitated by Russian exiled settlers.
Wood processing was developed (artistic carving, painting with alder decoction), birch bark, fur, leather; dishes were made from leather, rugs were made from horse and cow skins sewn in a checkerboard pattern, blankets were made from hare fur, etc.; cords were hand-twisted from horsehair, woven, and embroidered. There was no spinning, weaving or felting of felt. The production of molded ceramics, which distinguished the Yakuts from other peoples of Siberia, has been preserved. The smelting and forging of iron, which had commercial value, as well as the smelting and minting of silver, copper, etc., were developed, and from the 19th century, mammoth ivory carving was developed.
Yakut cuisine
It has some common features with the cuisine of the Buryats, Mongols, northern peoples (Evenks, Evens, Chukchi), as well as Russians. Methods of preparing dishes in Yakut cuisine are few: it is either boiling (meat, fish), or fermentation (kumys, suorat), or freezing (meat, fish).
Traditionally, horse meat, beef, venison, game birds, as well as offal and blood are consumed as food. Dishes made from Siberian fish (sturgeon, broad whitefish, omul, muksun, peled, nelma, taimen, grayling) are widespread.
A distinctive feature of Yakut cuisine is the fullest use of all components of the original product. A very typical example is the recipe for cooking crucian carp in Yakut style. Before cooking, the scales are cleaned off, the head is not cut off or thrown away, the fish is practically not gutted, a small side incision is made through which the gallbladder is carefully removed, part of the colon is cut off and the swim bladder is pierced. In this form, the fish is boiled or fried. A similar approach is used in relation to almost all other products: beef, horse meat, etc. Almost all by-products are actively used. In particular, giblet soups (is miine), blood delicacies (khaan), etc. are very popular. Obviously, such a thrifty attitude towards products is the result people's experience survival in harsh polar conditions.
Horse or beef ribs in Yakutia are known as oyogos. Stroganina is made from frozen meat and fish, which is eaten with a spicy seasoning of flask (wild garlic), spoon (similar to horseradish) and saranka (onion plant). Khaan, a Yakut blood sausage, is made from beef or horse blood.
The national drink is kumys, popular among many eastern peoples, as well as a stronger koonnyoruu kymys(or koyuurgen). From cow's milk they prepare suorat (yogurt), kuerchekh (whipped cream), kober (butter churned with milk to form a thick cream), chokhoon (or case– butter churned with milk and berries), iedegey (cottage cheese), suumekh (cheese). The Yakuts cook a thick mass of salamat from flour and dairy products.
Interesting traditions and customs of the people of Yakutia
The customs and rituals of the Yakuts are closely related to folk beliefs. Even many Orthodox or agnostics follow them. The structure of beliefs is very similar to Shintoism - each manifestation of nature has its own spirit, and shamans communicate with them. The foundation of a yurt and the birth of a child, marriage and burial are not complete without rituals. It is noteworthy that until recently, Yakut families were polygamous, each wife of one husband had her own household and home. Apparently, under the influence of assimilation with the Russians, the Yakuts nevertheless switched to monogamous cells of society.
The holiday of kumis Ysyakh occupies an important place in the life of every Yakut. Various rituals are designed to appease the gods. Hunters glorify Baya-Bayanaya, women - Aiyysyt. The holiday is crowned by a general sun dance - osoukhai. All participants join hands and arrange a huge round dance. Fire has sacred properties at any time of the year. Therefore, every meal in a Yakut house begins with serving the fire - throwing food into the fire and sprinkling it with milk. Feeding the fire is one of the key moments of any holiday or business.
The most characteristic cultural phenomenon is the poetic stories of Olonkho, which can number up to 36 thousand rhymed lines. The epic is passed down from generation to generation between master performers, and most recently these narratives were included in the UNESCO list of intangible cultural heritage. Good memory and high life expectancy are some of the distinctive features of the Yakuts. In connection with this feature, a custom arose according to which a dying elderly person calls someone from the younger generation and tells him about all his social connections - friends, enemies. The Yakuts are distinguished by their social activity, even though their settlements consist of several yurts located at an impressive distance. The main social relations take place during major holidays, the main one of which is the holiday of kumis - Ysyakh.
The traditional culture is most fully represented by the Amga-Lena and Vilyui Yakuts. The northern Yakuts are close in culture to the Evenks and Yukagirs, the Olekminsky are strongly acculturated by the Russians.
12 facts about the Yakuts
- It’s not as cold in Yakutia as everyone thinks. Almost throughout the entire territory of Yakutia, the minimum temperature is on average -40-45 degrees, which is not so bad, since the air is very dry. -20 degrees in St. Petersburg will be worse than -50 in Yakutsk.
- Yakuts eat raw meat - frozen foal, shavings or cut into cubes. The meat of adult horses is also eaten, but it is not as tasty. The meat is extremely tasty and healthy, rich in vitamins and other useful substances, in particular – antioxidants.
- In Yakutia they also eat stroganina - the meat of river fish cut into thick shavings, mainly broadleaf and omul; the most prized is stroganina made from sturgeon and nelma (all these fish, with the exception of sturgeon, are from the whitefish family). All this splendor can be consumed by dipping the chips in salt and pepper. Some also make different sauces.
- Contrary to popular belief, in Yakutia the majority of the population has never seen deer. Deer are found mainly in the Far North of Yakutia and, oddly enough, in Southern Yakutia.
- The legend about crowbars becoming as fragile as glass in severe frost is true. If you hit a hard object with a cast iron crowbar at a temperature below 50-55 degrees, the crowbar will fly into pieces.
- In Yakutia, almost all grains, vegetables and even some fruits ripen well over the summer. For example, not far from Yakutsk they grow beautiful, tasty, red, sweet watermelons.
- The Yakut language belongs to the Turkic group of languages. There are a lot of words in the Yakut language that begin with the letter “Y”.
- In Yakutia, even in 40-degree frost, children eat ice cream right on the street.
- When the Yakuts eat bear meat, before eating they make the sound “Hook” or imitate the cry of a raven, thereby, as if disguising themselves from the spirit of the bear - it is not we who eat your meat, but the crows.
- Yakut horses are a very ancient breed. They graze on their own all year round without any supervision.
- Yakuts are very hard working. In the summer, in the hayfield, they can easily work 18 hours a day without a break for lunch, and then have a good drink in the evening and, after 2 hours of sleep, go back to work. They can work for 24 hours and then plow 300 km behind the wheel and work there for another 10 hours.
- Yakuts do not like to be called Yakuts and prefer to be called “Sakha”.
Introduction
Chapter 1. Traditional culture of the peoples of Yakutia.
1.1. culture of the peoples of Yakutia in the XVII-XVIII centuries. and the spread of Christianity……………………………………………………2
1.2. Yakuts………………………………………………………………………………4
Chapter 2. Beliefs, culture, life .
2.1. Beliefs…………………………………………………………………………………12
2.2. Holidays………………………………………………………………………………17
2.3. Ornaments……………………………………………………………...18
2.4. Conclusion……………………………………………………………..19
2.5. Used literature……………………………………………………………...20
Traditional culture of the peoples of Yakutia in XVII - XVIII bb
In the traditional culture of the peoples of Yakutia until the end of the 18th century. no significant changes occurred. Taking this into account, this section provides a general description of the culture of the indigenous peoples of the region in the 17th – 18th centuries.
The peoples of the entire Lena region are beginning to change their way of life and type of activity, there is a change in language and traditional culture. The main event in this change was the collection of yasak. Most of the indigenous population abandon their main occupations and switch to fur hunting. The Yukaghirs, Evens and Evenks switch to fur farming, abandoning reindeer husbandry. By the middle of the 17th century, the Yakuts began to pay Yasak, and by the 80s. In the same century, the Evens, Evenks and Yukaghirs began to pay yasak, the Chukchi began to pay taxes by the middle of the 18th century.
There is a change in everyday life, houses of the Russian type (izba) appear, the premises for livestock become a separate building, buildings of economic importance appear (barns, storage rooms, bathhouses), the clothing of the Yakuts changes, which is made from Russian or foreign cloth.
Spread of Christianity.
Before the adoption of Christianity, the Yakuts were pagans, they believed in spirits and the presence of different worlds.
With the advent of the Russians, the Yakuts began to gradually convert to Christianity. The first to convert to the Orthodox faith were women marrying Russians. Men who accepted new religion, they received a gift of a rich caftan and were freed from yasak for several years.
In Yakutia, with the adoption of Christianity, the customs and morals of the Yakuts change, such concepts as blood feud disappear, and family relations weaken. Yakuts are given first and last names, and literacy is spreading. Churches and monasteries became centers of education and book printing.
Only in the 19th century. Church books appear in the Yakut language and the first Yakut priests appear. The persecution of shamans and persecution of supporters of shamanism begins. Shamans who did not convert to Christianity were exiled away.
Yakuts.
The main occupation of the Yakuts was breeding horses and cattle; in the northern regions they practiced reindeer husbandry. Cattle breeders made seasonal migrations and stored hay for their livestock for the winter. Great importance fishing and hunting were maintained. In general, a very unique specific economy was created - settled cattle breeding. Horse breeding occupied a large place in it. The developed cult of the horse and the Turkic terminology of horse breeding indicate that horses were introduced by the southern ancestors of the Sakhas. In addition, studies conducted by I.P. Guryev, showed the high genetic similarity of Yakut horses with steppe horses- with the Mongolian and Akhal-Teke breeds, with the Kazakh horse of the Jabe type, partly with the Kyrgyz and, what is especially interesting, with Japanese horses from the island of Cherzhu.
During the period of development of the Middle Lena basin by the South Siberian ancestors of the Yakuts, horses were of particularly great economic importance; they had the ability to “feather”, rake snow with their hooves, break the crust of ice with them, and feed themselves. Cattle are not suitable for long-distance migrations and usually appear during the period of semi-sedentary (pastoral) farming. As you know, the Yakuts did not roam, but moved from the winter road to the summer road. The Yakut dwelling, turuorbakh die, a wooden stationary yurt, also corresponded to this.
By written sources XVII-XVIII centuries It is known that the Yakuts lived in yurts “covered with earth” in winter, and in birch bark yurts in summer.
An interesting description was compiled by the Japanese who visited Yakutia at the end of the 18th century: “A large hole was made in the middle of the ceiling, on which a thick ice board was placed, thanks to which it was very light inside the Yakut house.”
Yakut settlements usually consisted of several dwellings, located one from another at a considerable distance. Wooden yurts existed almost unchanged until the middle of the 20th century. “For me, the inside of the Yakut yurt,” wrote V.L. Seroshevsky in his book “Yakuts,” “especially at night, illuminated by the red flame of the fire, made a slightly fantastic impression... Its sides, made of round standing logs, seem striped from the shaded "
The doors of the Yakut yurts were located on the eastern side, towards to the rising sun. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. the fireplaces (kemuluek ohoh) were not broken with clay, but smeared with it, and were lubricated all the time. Khotons were separated only by a low pole partition. Dwellings were built from small trees, because they considered it a sin to cut down a thick tree. The yurt had an odd number of windows. The sunbeds running along the southern and western walls of the dwelling were wide and lay across. They had different heights. The lowest oron was placed on the right side, next to the entrance (uηa oron), and the higher one was the host’s, “so that the happiness of the owner would not be lower than the happiness of the guest.” The orons on the western side were separated from each other by solid partitions, and in front they were climbed upright with racks, leaving only an opening for a small door, and were locked from the inside at night. The partitions between the orons on the southern side were not continuous. During the day they sat on them and called them oron oloh “sitting”. In this regard, the first eastern bunk on the southern side of the yurt was called in the old days keηul oloh “free sitting”, the second - orto oloh, “middle seat”, the third bunk at the same southern wall - tuspetiyer oloh or uluutuyar oloh, “steady seat”; The first oron on the western side of the yurt was called kegul oloh, “sacred seat”, the second oron was darkhan oloh, “seat of honor”, the third on the northern side near the western wall was kencheeri oloh “children’s seat”. And the bunks on the northern side of the yurt were called kuerel oloh, beds for servants or “pupils”.
For winter housing, they chose a lower, inconspicuous place, somewhere at the bottom of the alas (elani) or near the edge of the forest, where it was better protected from cold winds. The northern and western winds were considered to be such, so the yurt was placed in the northern or western part of the clearing.
In general, it should be noted that when choosing a place to live, they tried to find a secluded happy corner. They did not settle among the old mighty trees, for the latter had already taken the happiness and strength of the earth. As in Chinese geomancy, the choice of place to live was given exceptional importance. Therefore, pastoralists in these cases often turned to the help of a shaman. They also turned to fortune telling, for example, fortune telling with a kumiss spoon.
In the XVII-XVIII centuries. large patriarchal families (kergen as a Roman “surname”) were housed in several houses: the urun diee, “white house” was occupied by the owners, the next ones were occupied by married sons, and the hara diee “black, thin house” housed servants and slaves.
In the summer, such a large rich family lived in a stationary (not collapsible) birch bark urasa of a cone shape. It was very expensive and had significant dimensions. Back in the 18th century. Most of the summer homes of wealthy families consisted of such birch bark yurts. They were called "Us kurduulaakh mogol urasa" (with three belts, large Mongolian urasa).
Uras with smaller diameters were also common. Thus, a medium-sized urasa was called dalla urasa, low and wide in shape; Khanas urasa, high urasa, but small in diameter. Among them, the largest was 10 m in height and 8 m in diameter.
In the 17th century The Yakuts were a post-tribal people, i.e. a nationality defined in the conditions of an early class society on the basis of the existing remnants of the tribal organization and without a formed state. In socio-economic terms, it developed on the basis of patriarchal-feudal relations. Yakut society consisted, on the one hand, of a small nobility and economically independent ordinary members of the community, and on the other, of patriarchal slaves and bonded people.
In the XVII - XVIII centuries. There were two forms of family - a small monogamous family, consisting of parents and mostly minor children, and a large patriarchal family, an association of consanguineous families headed by a patriarch-father. At the same time, the first type of family prevailed. S.A. Tokarev found the presence of a large family exclusively in Toyon farms. It consisted, in addition to the toyon himself, of his brothers, sons, nephews, fosterlings, serfs (slaves) with their wives and children. Such a family was called aga-kergen, and the word aga literally translated is “senior in age.” In this regard, aga-uusa, a patriarchal clan, could originally designate a large patriarchal family.
Patriarchal relations predetermined marriage with the payment of dowry (sulu) as the main condition for marriage. But marriage with bride exchange was rarely practiced. There was a custom of levirate, according to which, after the death of the elder brother, his wife and children passed into the family of the younger brother.
At the time under study, Sakha Dyono had a neighboring form of community, which usually arises in the era of the decomposition of the primitive system. It was a union of families based on the principle of territorial-neighborhood ties, partly with joint ownership of the means of production (pastures, hayfields, and fishing grounds). S.V. Bakhrushin and S.A. Tokarev noted that hay cuttings among the Yakuts in the 17th century. were rented, inherited, sold. It was a private property and part of the fishing grounds. Several rural communities made up the so-called. "volost", which had a relatively constant number of farms. In 1640, judging by Russian documents, 35 Yakut volosts were established. S.A. Tokarev defined these volosts as tribal groups, and A. A. Borisov proposed to consider the early Yakut ulus as a territorial association consisting of clans or as an ethno-geographical province. The largest of them were Bologurskaya, Meginskaya, Namskaya, Borogonskaya, Betyunskaya, which numbered from 500 to 900 adult men. The total population in each of them ranged from 2 to 5 thousand people. But among them there were also those where the total population did not exceed 100 people.
The underdevelopment and incompleteness of the Yakut community were dictated by the specifics of the farm type of farms settled over a vast territory. The absence of community government bodies was compensated by the presence of postnatal institutions. These were the patriarchal clan -aga-uusa "father's clan". Within its framework, the unification of families took place along the line of the patriarch father, the founder of the clan. Within the 17th century. There was a small form of Aga-Uus, consisting of fraternal families up to the 9th generation. In subsequent times, a large segmented form of patriarchal gens prevailed.
The Aga-Uusa consisted not only of individual monogamous (small) families, but also of families based on polygamy (polygamy). A wealthy cattle breeder maintained his large farm on two to four separate alas-elans. Thus, the farm was scattered over several alas, where the cattle were kept by individual wives and servants. And because of this, descendants from the same father, but from different wives (sub-households), subsequently branched out, forming a category of related families called ie-uusa “mother’s clan”. Before the segmentation of a single paternal household, this is a polygamous family with a filiation (daughter) structure. Subsequently, the sons started their own families and formed separate lines of maternal filiation from one father-ancestor. Therefore, many Aga-Uusa in the 18th centuries. consisted of a combination of individual ie-uusa. Thus, Ie-uusa was not a relic of matriarchy, but was a product of a developed patriarchal society with elements of feudalism.
Structurally, the Yakut rural community consisted of incomplete poor and rich Bai and Toyon aristocratic families.
The prosperous layer of Yakut society in Russian documents of the 17th century. was designated by the term "best people". The bulk of the direct producers constituted the category of “ulus peasants.” The most exploited stratum of community members were people living “next to”, “near” the Toyon and Bai farms. In a position of varying degrees of patriarchal dependence on the Toyons were the “zarebetniki” and “nursemen”.
Slaves were mainly supplied by the Yakut environment itself. But a small part of them were Tungus and Lamut. The ranks of slaves were replenished by military conquest, the enslavement of dependent community members, self-enslavement due to poverty, and the surrender of slaves in the form of capitulation to a place of blood feud. They formed part of the direct producers on the farms of wealthy families and toyons. For example, according to V.N. Ivanov, who specifically dealt with this problem, the Nama prince Bukey Nikin in 1697 mentioned 28 slaves for whom he paid yasak. Toyon of the Boturussky volost Molton Ocheev left behind 21 serfs, which were divided among his heirs.
In the 17th century the process of class formation accelerated due to the introduction of the yasak regime, but was never completed by the end of the time under study. One of the reasons for a certain stagnation of the social organization of Yakut society was its economic basis - unproductive natural agriculture, which could not ensure rapid population growth. And the development of socio-economic relations largely depended on the level of population density.
In the 17th century Each ulus (“volost”) had its own recognized leaders. These were among the Borogonians - Loguy Toyon (in Russian documents - Loguy Amykaev), among the Malzhegarians - Sokhkhor Duurai (Durei Ichikaev), among the Boturusians - Kurekay, among the Meginians - Borukhay (Toyon Burukhay), etc.
In general, in the 17th century. (especially in the first half) the Yakut population consisted of an association of neighboring communities. In their social essence, they apparently represented a transitional form of rural community from primitive to class, but with an amorphous administrative structure. With all this, in social relations there were elements, on the one hand, of the era of military democracy (Kyrgys uyete - centuries of wars or Tygyn uyete - the era of Tygyn), on the other - feudalism. The administrative term “ulus” was apparently introduced into Yakut reality by the Russian authorities. It is first found in the yasak book of I. Galkin from 1631/32, then after the 1630s. the term fell out of use, replaced by the word “volost”. It resurfaced in the 1720s. Thus, in the 17th century. large uluses apparently consisted of conditionally united rural communities, which included patriarchal clans (patronymy - clans).
The question of the Yakut system of kinship and properties has not been clearly and independently subjected to detailed research in comparison with the terminology of kinship. In general, it is generally accepted that kinship terminology belongs to the most archaic layers of vocabulary of any language. Therefore, among many peoples there is a discrepancy between the system of kinship relations preserved from ancient times, the terminology of kinship and the existing form of the family. This phenomenon is also inherent in the Turkic peoples, especially the Yakuts. This can be seen from the following terms of Yakut kinship by blood and marriage.
Beliefs .
In accordance with the ideas of the Sakha of that time, the Universe consists of three worlds: Upper, Middle, Lower. The upper world is divided into several (up to nine) tiers. The sky is round, convex, its edges along the circumference touch and rub with the edges of the earth, which are curved upward, like Tunguska skis; When they rub, they make noise and grinding noises.
The upper world is inhabited by good spirits - aiyy, who patronize people on earth. Their patriarchal way of life life reflects the earthly way of life. Aiys live in heaven on different tiers. The topmost one is occupied by Yuryung Aiyy Toyon (White Creator), the creator of the universe. This supreme deity was apparently a personification of the sun. Other spirits live on the next tiers of the sky: Dyylga Khaan - the identity of fate, who was sometimes called Chyngys Khaan - the name of the half-forgotten deity of time, fate, winter cold; Sjunke haan Xuge is the deity of thunder. According to Yakut beliefs, he cleanses the sky of evil spirits. Ayyhyt, the goddess of childbirth and the patroness of women in childbirth, Ieyehsit, the patroness of people and animals, and other deities also live here.
Cattle breeding, the main type of economic activity of the Sakhas, also influenced the images of the good Ayys who patronize horse breeding and cattle breeding. The givers and patrons of horses Kieng Kieli-Baaly Toyon and Dyehegey live in the fourth heaven. Diehegey appears in the form of a loudly neighing light stallion. The giver and patroness of cattle, Ynakhsyt-Khotun, lives under the eastern sky on earth.
Inter-tribal wars are reflected in the images of the warlike demigods-half-demons Uluu Toyon and the gods of war, murder and bloodshed - Ilbis kyyha and Ohol uola. Uluu Toyon is depicted in the epic as the supreme judge and creator of fire, the souls of people and shamans.
Middle world Yakut mythology is a land that seems flat and round, but crossed by high mountains and cut by high-water rivers. A poetic evocation of the everlasting vegetation on earth is the huge sacred tree Aal Luuk Mas. In one olonkho such a tree is located on the land of every hero-ancestor. The middle world is inhabited by people: Sakha, Tungus and other peoples.
Beneath the Middle World is the Nether World. It is a dark country with a damaged sun and moon, gloomy skies, swampy terrain, thorny trees and grass. The lower world is inhabited by one-eyed and one-armed evil creatures abaasy. When the Abaas sneak into the Middle World, they do a lot of harm to people, and the fight against them is the main plot of Olonkho.
Many mythological animals were highly revered; in some Olonkho you can hear about a fantastic two- or three-headed bird, yoksyokyus, with iron feathers and fiery breath; Bogatyrs often turn into such birds and overcome enormous distances in this form. Of the real animals, the eagle and the bear were especially revered. Once upon a time, people worshiped a god named Kiis
Tangara (Sable God), who, unfortunately, is now forgotten. One researcher notes the totemistic ideas of the Sakha at the beginning of the 18th century: “Each clan has and keeps as sacred a special creature, such as a swan, goose, raven, etc., and that animal that the clan considers sacred, it does not eat, but others they can eat it."
The content of olonkho, as well as the content of ritual songs that accompanied every significant event in economic, social and family life Yakuts, is associated with mythological ideas, which reflected both the peculiar features of the life and social system of the Yakuts, and some features common to the mythology of the Turkic and Mongolian peoples, who stood at a similar stage of social development. Some legends and stories reflect real historical events, indicating the place and time of action real people. There were legends and traditions about the first ancestors Elley and Omogoy, who arrived from the south to the middle Lena; stories about the tribes of the North, about the relationship between the Yakuts and the Tungus before and after the arrival
Russian move.
In other cases, contemporaries and participants in the events talked about inter-tribal wars, about the warlike Kangalas ancestor Tygyn and the brave Borogon strongman Bert Khara, about the Baturus ancestor Omoloon, the Borogon Legey, the Tattin Keerekeen, the Bayagantays, the Meginians, etc. People of that time should have been interested in legends and stories about distant outskirts, about the abundance of animals and game there, about the wide expanses suitable for horse breeding and cattle breeding in those parts. The descendants of the first inhabitants of the outskirts composed legends about their ancestors who migrated from central Yakutia.
Around the same time, a legend arose about the arrival of Russian Cossacks and the founding of the city of Yakutsk. They say that one day two fair-haired and blue-eyed people arrived in the lands of Tygyn. Tygyn made them workers. After a few years they disappeared. People saw them sailing on a boat up the Lena. Three years later, many people similar to those who ran away from Tygyn arrived on large rafts. The arrivals asked Tygyn for land the size of one oxhide. Having received permission, they cut the skin into thin threads and traced a large area, stretching the thread over pegs. An entire fortress was soon built on this site. Tygyn realized that he had made a mistake; he wanted to destroy the fortress together with his son Challaai, but he could not do it. This is how Yakutsk was founded. The Yakuts tried to attack the fortress, but to no avail. After this they submitted to the Russian Tsar.
Olonkho verse is alliterative. The size of the verse is free, the number of syllables per line ranges from 6-7 to 18. Style and figurative system close to the epic of the Altaians, Khakassians, Tuvinians, and Buryat Uligers. Olonkho is widely used among the Yakut people; the names and images of their favorite heroes have become household names.
For science, the Yakut olonkho was discovered by academician A.F. Middendorf during his trip to Siberia in 1844. Awakened in the middle of the night by loud singing from a nearby Yakut hut, he immediately noted that this singing was very different from what he had heard before, for example, from shamanic rituals. At the same time, the first recording of the Yakut olonkho (“Eriedel Bergen”) was made. It was Middendorf who conveyed the results of his observations to the Sanskritologist O.N. Bertling, who needed a little-studied non-Indo-European language to test his linguistic concept. This is how another record of the Yakut olonkho (Er Sogotokh) appeared, recorded from Bertling’s informant V.Ya. Uvarovsky.
In the second half of the 19th century, professional folklorists, political exiles I.A. began to record the olonkho. Khudyakov and E.K. Pekarsky, the latter began to involve the Yakut intelligentsia in the work.
This is how the monumental “Samples of Yakut Folk Literature” appeared in three volumes (1907-1918), where, among other things, 10 olonkhos were published in full. After the revolution, recording olonkho was carried out almost exclusively by Yakut scientists, first by figures of the Sakha Keskile (Yakut Revival) society, and since 1935 by employees of the Institute of Language and Culture at the Council of People's Commissars of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. The peak of interest in Olonkho occurred in the early 1940s, when the idea appeared that it was possible to create a consolidated text
Yakut epic.
As a result, more than 200 independent plots were recorded. In the same era, the Yakut Lenrot appeared - Platon Alekseevich Oyunsky (1893–1939), who created a consolidated version of the olonkho about Nyurgun Bootur - “Nyurgun Bootur the Swift”.
Very big place in Everyday life Sakha was occupied by the cult of fire - Wat ichchite (spirit of sacred fire). In the minds of the people, he had a heavenly origin and was considered the son of Yuryung Ayyy toyon, the sun deity. The hearth where fire once descended from heaven is the sanctuary. People's prayers and sacrifices to deities were carried out through fire.
The universe “with eight fiery rays of light” was associated with the image of a beautiful powerful stallion, “aygyr silik”. The cultivated image of the horse is clearly manifested in its connection not only with the sky (sky-horse), but also with the sun: the first horse was lowered to earth by Yuryung Ayyy toyon himself.
In the religious views of the Yakuts, one of the main places was occupied by ideas about the soul. It consisted of three elements - salgyn kut (air-soul), ie-kut (mother-soul), buor kut (earth-soul). Sur, the spirit of man, his mental structure in these ideas, occupied a significant place. At the birth of a child, these souls and sur were united by the goddess Ayysyt. According to the same ideas, ie-kut lives near the heart (has a white color), buor kut is located in a person’s ears (has a brown color). And salgyn kut is colorless.
Holidays .
The main holiday is the spring-summer koumiss festival (Ysyakh), accompanied by libations of koumiss from large wooden cups (choroon), games, sports competitions, etc. Shamanism was developed. Shamanic drums (dyunpor) are close to Evenki ones. Traditional musical instruments – harp (khomus), violin (kyryimpa), percussion. The most common dances are round dances - osuokhai, game dances, etc.
Folklore. In folklore, the heroic epic (olonkho) was developed, performed in recitative by special storytellers (olonkhosut) in front of a large crowd of people; historical legends, fairy tales, especially tales about animals, proverbs, songs. Olonkho consists of many tales that are close in plot and style; their volume varies - 10-15, and sometimes more than thousands of poetic lines, interspersed with rhythmic prose and prose inserts.
Olonkho legends, which arose in ancient times, reflect the features of the patriarchal clan system, inter-tribal and inter-tribal relations of the Yakuts. Each legend is usually called by the name of the main hero-hero: “Nyurgun Bootur”, “Kulun Kullustuur”, etc.
The plots are based on the struggle of heroes from the Ayyy Aimaga tribe with the evil one-armed or one-legged monsters Abaasy or Adyarai, the defense of justice and peaceful life. Olonkho is characterized by fantasy and hyperbole in the depiction of heroes, combined with realistic descriptions of everyday life, and numerous myths of ancient origin.
Ornaments.
Yakut folk art is a significant phenomenon in the culture of the peoples of Siberia. Its originality in various forms of existence is generally recognized. Ornament is the basis of decorative and applied art of any people, therefore Yakut folk art appears to us primarily as ornamental. The Yakut ornament, associated with the way of life and the traditional way of life of the people, is an integral part of its material and spiritual culture. It plays a significant role in both everyday and ritual settings. The study of the process of formation and development of the Yakut ornament, the problems of its classification is facilitated by the analysis of the works of Yakut folk craftsmen XIX century.
The problem of classification of ornament is as ambiguous and debatable as the question of determining the boundaries and specifics of ornamental art. Historians and ethnographers have dealt with this quite a lot, identifying the main groups in the ornamental creativity of the peoples of our country.
Conclusion
There are many peoples living in Yakutia and they all have a similar culture, way of life, beliefs and way of life, which has changed over time and begins to change with Yakutia joining the Russian state. The Russians are introducing legal norms, universal rules, yasak payment, and a new religion. The spread of Christianity leads to changes in the customs and way of life of the aborigines of Yakutia, the disappearance of the concepts of kinship and blood feud.
The Chukchi's main occupation remains reindeer herding and sea fishing. There are no fundamental changes in culture and way of life, but additional activities appear that gradually become dominant - fur farming.
Among the Evens, reindeer herding, fishing and hunting continue to be the main activity, which becomes the second most important. The Evens change their clothes, introducing Russian style.
Yukaghirs. The main occupation remains reindeer herding and dog breeding. Semi-nomadic lifestyle. The Yukaghirs have two types of housing:
1. winter (dugout)
2. hut - summer housing.
There were no fundamental changes in customs and culture.
Gradually, not only fur trade, but also cash trade was established among the peoples of the Lena region.
References:
1. Alekseev A.N. The first Russian settlements of the 17th-18th centuries. in the North-East of Yakutia. - Novosibirsk, 1996.
2. Argunov I.A. Social development of the Yakut people. - Novosibirsk, 1985
3. Bakhrushin S.V. Historical destinies of the peoples of Yakutia: Collection of articles “Yakutia”.-L., 1927.
4. Basharin G.P. History of agriculture in Yakutia (XVII century - 1917). T.1. - Yakutsk, 1989; T.2. 1990.
Just as at family gatherings the main role belongs to the elders, so in the family the first role belongs to the eldest: “who is older is the head, and the most important is the father.” The decrepitude of the parents leads, however, to the transfer of power in the family to the eldest of the rest, and then the position of the parents becomes extremely difficult.
Exogamy and stable marriage finally destroyed the independence of the Yakut woman, excluding her from members of the clan. There was no place for her outside the family, and at the head new family her ruler turned out to be a husband whose treatment is often distinguished by severity; the wife is just a powerless worker. The girl’s position after the death of her parents is also difficult: she is doomed to eternal submission and defiance of all her relatives. An orphaned daughter or a young childless widow is forced to wander from one guardian to another or live with one of them as a dumb worker.
For a wife, the bride price is usually paid. Parents sometimes marry their children at a very early age. The bride's participation in the conspiracy is very weak; Rarely will they ask for her consent, and this is a recent innovation. Violation of marital fidelity by a wife is usually condemned only in words, but in essence, except for the husband, everyone looks at it condescendingly. Yakuts generally do not see anything immoral in illegal love, unless no one suffers material damage from it.
The birth of an illegitimate child by a girl is not considered a disgrace; her parents reproach her only because matchmaking for her may reduce the size of the bride price. The feeling of love, however, is familiar; they know how to appreciate it, as can be seen in Yakut songs and epics, where the description of love scenes is distinguished by a bright, passionate color. The introduction of the bride into the groom's house is often accompanied by rituals simulating the abduction of the bride. All this, obviously, is a remnant of the past, when brides were taken from someone else’s family by abduction.
The Yakuts welcome children because they place hope in them as future breadwinners and support in old age. An abundance of children is considered a blessing from God and Yakut marriages are generally quite prolific. There is almost no childcare: in the summer they are completely left to their own devices. The Yakuts teach children to work gradually, from early childhood; from the age of 10, a Yakut child begins to be considered half-adult. Yakut children are diligent and understanding in science; in the Yakut gymnasium, especially in the lower classes, they are ahead of the Russians. All diseases, according to the Yakuts, come from evil spirits (yor); their treatment should consist of expelling spirits from the body or appeasing these uninvited guests (through fire or various shamanic rituals).
Customs of the Sakha people. - Yakutsk: NIPK "Sakhapolygraphizdat", 1996. - 48 p.
ISBN 5-85259-110-6
© Nikolaev S.I. - Somogotto, 1996
Delivered to set 03/19/96. Signed for publication on April 22, 1996. Format 70x108/z2 - High printing.
Literary typeface. Conditional p.l. 2.1. Academic ed. l. 2.13. Circulation 3000 copies. Zach. No. 33.
NIPK "Sakhapolygraphizdat" 677000 Yakutsk, st. Kirova, 9
(File name: Custom_of_Sakha)
© Somogotto S.I.
© Safonova V.N.
Customs of the Sakha (Yakut) people
Ecological customs
Hunting customs
Customs for repairing fate and happiness
Name customs
Language customs
Different customs
Ecological customs
Due to the high cost of publications, it is not necessary to write works, but to give only their diagrams. Below I will give only schematic lists of customs. Details and interpretations will have to be filled in by the readers themselves. The ancients were very concerned about the contamination of the soil that thawed during the summer. Its pollution was called “eteh abaahyta” - “the devil of old polluted estates and sites.” The thinner the thawing soil, the fewer people and livestock had to use such soil. It was forbidden for two or more families to live side by side. They even tried to limit forced dukkashism (cohabitation of two families). They were forbidden to visit these 'And unnecessarily. When coming to the eteh after a long absence from their native places, it was supposed to put the eteh in the hearth 'A a stone with a through hole and a prayer to feed the fire. Those who did not perform the ritual became victims of this 'A- this is abaahyta. Upon arrival from afar in old age, they were not advised to visit this man, for the devil would definitely “eat” him. Those who came from afar to die in old age believed that they were “pulled to themselves by their native grave land” (“buora tardybyt”). New house it was forbidden to build on the site not only these 'A, but any demolished and burned house.
This ban also applied to the estates Telgehe, Khoton, etc. Each family had at least four seasonal estates “surt”: autumn surt, spring surt, etc. “Surt” from the Ugro-Samoyed “yurt”, from it and “yurt” "(yurt). The Yakut dwelling had the Ugro-Samoyedic name “mo” (holomo from kalamo - fisherman’s house, khaltaama - bark house). The word "mo" replaced the Tunguska "duu" or "die". For the Turks, “home” is “uy”. It was strictly forbidden to concentrate cattle, horses and deer in one place. To disperse them, a peculiar semblance of reindeer capacity, livestock capacity and human capacity of the area was used. From here you will understand why ancient Yakutia did not have a single settlement. You will also understand why, since ancient times, those who grew up in such ecological purity, today have decayed in settlements that copy the cities and villages of the West with eternally thawed soil. There, the thawed soil cleanses itself, while the soil of Yakutia only accumulates pollution. Add in agricultural chemicals, etc. The result is often, in some places, probably worse than the disaster of the Aral Sea. So call the ancients “savages.” The ancients considered their nature hanging by a thread (“kyl sa5attan ingnen”). Hence, it was forbidden to move a finger in the direction of changing the natural: its appearance. That's why there were almost no releases before the Russians; lakes, forest clearing, draining swamps for agricultural land. Hence the small number of domesticated animals and the almost absence of truly rich ones. They lived by reindeer herding, that is, by hunting and fishing, on deer and a few cows and mares for milk for their children. The complex was partially disbanded after the Russians. There was also a limitation on the accumulation of domesticated animals. The custom “kyy” testifies to this. When the number of domesticated horses reached the forbidden limit, the violator was forced to drive away a certain number of domesticated ones to their wild schools on the grassy upper reaches of the rivers. The details of that Paleolithic dealing custom are not needed in today's practice. And I don’t find it necessary to overload this short guide with them. Procuring fish and game beyond need was punishable mercilessly. It was forbidden for children to play with the carcasses of hunted game and fish. In case of accidental killings and obtaining of inedible fish and game, customs forced the hunter to eat them. Otherwise, he had to fall under the curse of the victims. Such a curse was called "buu". “Seren buuluo5a!” (“Careful, he’ll curse!”) they warned everyone. The “buu” of inedibles were considered especially dangerous: all insects, reptiles, parts of fish, all birds (with the exception of boars and waterfowl), dogs, wild cat foxes, and wolves. Particularly dangerous; shamanic fanged (“aryngastaakh”), clawed (“tyngyrakhtaakh”) and prophetic (“tyllaakh”, “sangalaakh”, “toyuktaakh”) were considered: parrot-like birds goldeneyes, loons, cuckoos, larks, local nightingales. To prevent an accidentally killed “soothsayer” from causing harm, a piece of his own meat was placed in his beak or mouth and his corpse was buried on the arangas, on the branches and forks of trees. They believed that their avengers should “blame” the dead themselves, seeing a piece of meat in their beak and mouth, they say, “they stole it themselves.” There was practically a ban on “inedible” the oldest species"Red Book".
It would be difficult to imagine anything more reliable. Each element, phenomenon, locality, and natural rarity was endowed with its own spirit-master - its ecological protector. For example, Sung Diahyn (“Sung” is onomatopoeic, “Dyaahyn” is from “diaahy” - to yawn) - a thunderer with a fiery whip. He was considered a heavenly hunter of earthly wandering devils. Under a tree broken by lightning, it was customary to look for: the stone of happiness “dyol taha”, where “dyol” is “stone” in Tunguska. This was discovered if under the tree coincidentally turned out to be an ancient site with stone tools. The discovered stone tool served as an amulet of happiness and a talisman against illness and accidents. People came to search for the “stone of happiness” only at dawn, immediately after a thunderstorm. They approached the broken tree, stealthily, like an animal. Digging began with quiet prayerful muttering. If what they were looking for was found, they uttered a joyful exclamation: “ala-kyy” or “alyas” from the Tunguska “alake!” - "hooray!". By the way, the exclamations “uruy” and “aihal” were pronounced only at uruu (wedding) and Ysyakh. “Uruy” from “uruu” is “offspring” and means “give offspring and offspring of livestock.” “Aikhal” in Tunguska has a similar meaning. The cry “kyyryk” was used to encourage the winner and when winning sports competitions. He replaced “Hurray!” and in a military situation. They picked up the stone of happiness only by feeding the fire at the fire and sprinkling liquid from the food. Please note: in the “horse olonkho” there are completely absent those ancient military-sports exclamations and exclamations of the Tungus-Khamnigan epics, which brought to the Yakuts the concept of “uluger” (emergency incident, scandal) and the word “gahai” - “relative or relative of the mother” (khakhaidaan). It turns out that the “horse” olonkhos are younger than the Tunguska nimngakans in Yakutia. Customs describe the spirit-master of the mountains as a monkey, and the word “monkey” is translated in dictionaries as “haya ichchite”, or “spirit-master of the mountains”. Often the concept of Chuchunaa ("Bigfoot") is confused with the master spirit of the mountains. Among the “descendants of the steppes” the concept of “meadow” - “syhyy” corresponds to the Tunguska “sygiya” - “forest”. The idea of the master spirit of the taiga reflected the heterogeneity and multilingualism of the Sakha people who later made up the people. In the Vilyuya Valley, the master spirit of the taiga was considered to be a natural bear, who appeared as Ehekeen (literally “Grandfather”). It will be discussed below. In the upper reaches of the Vilyui tributaries and in the outlying parts of Yakutia, the master spirit of the forest was considered to be Singken (hingken) or Sebeki (hebeki). They were considered Tunguska. In fact, these are Samoyed spirits, for the Enets and Nganasans had similar Sibichi and Sibuchi - further evidence of the once self-lingualism of the Tungus-speaking Yakutia. Meanwhile, there are ideas about the same Sib, in the person of Sibien, as an eccentric, mischievous, but kind spirit. The hunters turned into a personal portable Singken-Sebeki - all the anomalies: the skin of a motley squirrel, a stem of talina that formed a ring or knot in its natural growth, etc. It also included a musk deer hoof, two front incisor teeth of a wild deer, a ball of subcutaneous hair of an elk (muyelle), etc. n. Some of the Evens called the same Singken Ydyk. This is where the Yakut concept “Ytyk” comes from. Here the concept of the spirit owner of the forest merges with the concept of the god of the hunt. The hunter kept his personal gods in a place of honor in his home. When fishing, he carried them with him in a special bag. If he was successful in fishing, he would “feed” him from his trophy with words of gratitude. Feeding was carried out by rubbing the nose of the amulet with fat and spinning it over the smoke by pouring the fat and blood of the prey onto hot coals.
In such cases, melted fat and blood were sprinkled onto hot coals and flames. This was done so as not to put out the fire by simply adding blood and fat. This is where the origins of sprinkling come from, that is, yhyah. Blood and fat, much older than dairy, became objects of sacrificial sprinkling, that is, the domestication of animals. In case of failure in the hunt, instead of “feeding”, the hunter spanked his god with a thin waistband, saying: “You are a bad helper: we came empty-handed.” In Central Yakutia and the North-West, Bayanai or Barylakha is considered the master spirit of the taiga and the god of hunting. Here again are the Ugro-Samoyeds Payanai and Barulak. (“bar” - large, “-l” - inflection, “-ak” - mouth, i.e. “large-mouthed,” and their idols were made large-mouthed.). A very old thick tree of any species (and a special “kuduk” tree) was sometimes considered the spirit and master of the taiga and hunting. Such a long-lived tree enjoyed the rarest respect. It was very protected. To protect against forest fires, protective felling was done around it and cleared of flammable debris ". The burning of such a shrine was considered a harbinger of great misfortune in the area. Its lower branches were always hung with gifts in the form of toy models of household items. From these all-Siberian decorations of the sacred tree both the salama on Ysyakh and the garlands on European Christmas trees originate. They say as if the first Christmas trees came from the Swedish court, which borrowed tree decoration from the Finno-Ugric. And we take back our own only in the form of imitation of the West. Many similar examples could be listed. This is the deplorable result of chronic belittlement: one’s own and the exaltation only of someone else’s, they say, " only someone else’s is better.” The “kuduk” tree (from the distortion of which “aar-kuduk”, “aal-kutuk” and “aal-luuk” arose) is a very strange tree. It occurs among all breeds. Its strangeness lies in the fact that, like a magnet, it attracts to itself any living creature in the area, no one knows why. The area around it is always trampled, the branches are left shiny, and the bark is scratched by the tree-climbing and claw marks of the clubfoot. A similar phenomenon is observed among bushes, because only on them are pellets and urea indicating the limits of “ownership” left. There are no external differences in “kuduk”. Hunters highly respect the “kuduk” and do not approach it so as not to scare away its visitors with its smell. A rare accidental stumble in the dark and in bad weather was considered an omen of future bad luck. However, the old Hunters, even without seeing, sense the approach to the “kuduk” and they themselves do not know which way. They say: “by instinct.” Apparently, all the living creatures of the taiga are guided by the same thing. Hence the attention of paganism to it.
Hunting customs
The above chapter is called “ecological” conditionally - to cover general environmental problems. But in fact, environmentalism permeates the overwhelming majority of economic customs of the Yakuts of the past. The custom of “chalbarang” or “hebeerin” is a local, more ancient, simplified version of the pan-northern “bear festival”, which was found from the Pacific Amur to Yamal. It is apparently connected with the continuous presence on this strip of the inseparable trio Nanai-Khan-Manchzhi and Nenei-Khanty-Mansi (Manchi). The presence of this trio in Yakutia is clearly disguised by their fragmentation into small components: Nanagirs-Mayaats, Ugro-self-speaking Odu, Maya, Maimaga, Kup, Diap (diabyl), Chap, etc. Due to the striking resemblance to a naked person, bear carcasses without skin, This animal is considered by the entire specified trinity of ethnic groups to be a relative of the woman who allegedly married the clubfooted man. From that legend and all the conventions with a live and killed bear.
The bear was described as being half-god and half-man. According to those stories, as a demigod, he knew everything that was thought and said about him. They told stories about how the bear punished those who were eager to meet him and the boasters who boasted that they would get the clubfoot. They talked a lot about the kindness and wisdom of the owner of the taiga. Hence, in the past no one dared to think badly about the bear. Everyone refrained from swearing, even when the bear was bullying people and livestock. “Grandfather condemned” (Semeleete) - said those wounded by the bear. However, like lion hunting, catching a bear was like passing a test of courage. Unlike the Tungus, bear hunting among the Yakuts was a kind of special sport. Not everyone was allowed to see him, even among professional hunters. The head of the sport “esehit” (bear catcher) selected students from among hunters who were not only physically hardened, but also with sufficient nervous strength and composure. If the slightest symptoms of alarmism and timidity were detected, even strong men were rejected and suspended. Quick reactions, dexterity and resourcefulness were highly valued. Yakut esehit was a sport only for men. And among the Tungus, women not only participated in a group raid, but often successfully entered into single combat with a clubfoot. Another difference between the Yakut esehit and the Tunguska was the hunting of the bear mainly in a den. And the Tungus also mined it outside the den. During bear hunting, all participants completely switched to a special slang speech - “kharystal rear” - the language of amulets. He replaced almost every word of ordinary speech with conventional words. For example, “Yl ere, nykaa Khara, kirgille, kytaanakhta khachy, kytararda tart” (literally: “Tender Black, take the woodpecker, knock the hard one, charge the red one”). This phrase meant: “Young man, take an ax, chop wood, light a fire.” You can read fragments from this dictionary in the book by S. Nikolaev “Evens and Evenks of South-Eastern Yakutia”. The one who discovers the den says in passing at the end of a normal conversation: “Umuha5y chongttum” (saw a hole) or “Ongkholu ukteetim” - “My foot fell into an uneven spot.” Having heard that phrase, the esehite pretends to have missed the remark. The next day was spent notifying the raid participants. However, there were no direct conversations about the raid. Outwardly, it looked as if the fisherman had just come for a visit. He let people know about the upcoming raid with a silent look and conventional inconspicuous gestures. Secrecy was brought to the point that no one, except the addressee, had any idea about the impending raid. Outsiders should have found out about the latter only later. By dawn next day all participants silently entered the leader’s home. Also silently, in single file behind the leader, they approached the den, carrying on their shoulders the pole plugs that had been prepared away from the den. Approaching, the leader hurried to shove all the plugs supplied during the relay race into the mouth of the den. Only after securing the plugs did they begin to wake up the sleeping bear. It was forbidden to take action until he fully awakened. They woke them up out of belief, so that other bears would not attack them while they were sleeping. Indeed, cases of bear attacks on people in a sleepy state were very rare. They started shooting at the awakened bear one by one. Here the esehite taught his students in practice.
However, for safety, the raiders had to consist mainly of the most experienced. Before firearms, a bear in a den was killed by blows from spears, which was troublesome due to the victim’s dodging and self-defense. For the incompetent, the sacrifice was obtained at the cost of many broken copies. Often the victim managed to escape from the den. Then, silently and on a leash, experienced bear dogs were let loose on him. Students were required to keep their dogs on a leash. It was not easy, because the bugbears at those moments were angrier than the most clubfooted one. The difficulty was that not a single piece of rope should be left around the safecrackers’ necks. The ropes of tearing dogs were cut with blows of a knife, ax or palm tree. The dog that left with a piece of rope died precisely because of the rope, because the smart predator did not miss the opportunity to take advantage of that bugbear’s flaw. The besieged's jumping out of the den was rarely without injury. This is where composure, speed of reaction, and resourcefulness in action became life-saving. Sometimes confused raiders became dangerous to each other. It happened that blows with a palm tree, a spear, an ax and shots landed on their own comrades. The most faithful bear dogs came to the rescue here. Often they snatched the wounded from the clutches of an angry, wounded bear. Usually at least two bugbears were taken on a raid. The more of them, the more reliable it was. Experienced bugbears died only because of the depth of the snow and the small number of the flock. It was believed that in this case there is no equal to the Yakut husky, capable of engaging in single combat with a clubfoot one on one in defense of its wounded owner. The youngest of those participating in the raid for the first time was obliged to go down to the den for the killed animal. This was the oldest custom of instilling courage and composure. All raiders had to go through it. Descending into the den to retrieve the killed animal was a real challenge. We had to go down without a ladder, with a safety rope tied around our chest. If necessary, those standing outside the den had to pull the person being rescued by that rope. This remedy was not reliable. If it is necessary to flee from a suddenly revived animal or when a sufficiently grown and unnoticed baby appears from behind the carcass of a killed animal. In addition, in the crown of the den, the eyes of a living and a dead animal shone equally. The method of pulling out the animal’s carcass was also scary for a beginner. It was necessary to open the mouth and pass a stick behind the fangs. Clutching the mouth with that stick, they put a noose of rope lowered from above on the animal’s face. The noose, thrown over a stick, clamped the mouth, and the fangs prevented the noose from slipping when the carcass was pulled up by the rope. The closeness and stench of the den got on the newcomer’s nerves with terrifying force. And if we add to everything the revival of the beast and a living baby animal, then others had to be pulled out of the den in a fainting state and often already wounded. However, that school of courage did not refuse this test. After pulling the carcass upward, the subject was obliged to transfer upward all the stinking bedding of the animal and sweep the den clean. The heap of bedding that was pulled out from the branches was destroyed so that not a trace of it remained near the den. This was an inviolable custom. Often the same den was subsequently found favored by another animal. At the first puncture with a skinning knife, they said: “Be careful, grandpa, sharp branches: don’t prick yourself!” Skinners had to work with knives while standing on only one side of the carcass. It was forbidden to work while on both sides of the carcass, so that other bears in subsequent fights would not hit the hunter with both paws.
Bears were considered left-handed, and during fights they were especially careful about hitting their left paws. When maneuvering between the trunks, they tried to dodge to the right. After skinning, the fat layer of the carcass was removed in the same way. Next came the removal of the entrails and skinning without breaking the bones. Chalbarang or sebeerin, that is, the bear meat feast was a genuine feast in the sense of receiving a rare pleasure from food. Today's youth do not know what true hunger is, when people swell and die. She is also unfamiliar with chronic malnutrition, when at breakfast they dream about lunch and dinner, and the dream of somehow eating to their heart's content and satiation haunts them for months and years. Such people were not tempted by either alcohol or drugs. A truly hungry person has no desires other than the dream of satisfying his hunger. Pre-revolutionary and pre-collective farm Yakutia was a land of chronic malnutrition. The majority of Yakuts did not have arable farming even under Richard Maack, that is, until the middle of the 19th century. R.K. Maak, with statistics in hand, calls the Yakuts tree-eaters and fish-eaters. In short, their main food was tree bark (sapwood) and lake minnow (mundu). We undeservedly threw this fish into a landfill. After all, minnow on a rod and minnow crackers in fish oil (olorbo - fish salamat) were not very inferior in delicacy to sprats and sprat in oil. In front of foreigners, we are as proud as our own cuisine of someone else’s mash (salamaat) and fried dough (pancakes), and not all acceptable ones: giblets. Offering offal to a foreigner is the same as treating them to African locusts and southeastern snakes and dogfish. But we don’t notice our interesting dishes, such as olorbo, mundu on the rod, yukola, smoked and dried meat. First forgotten, and then stolen by local chefs in the 60s of the 20th century. Somogotto's lists of dishes are now called folk cuisine. And they didn’t understand what was prestigious there for strangers and their own. It turns out that without an author, appropriations are not always brought to true folk standards. The Domaakov and Maakov tree-eaters and mundu-eaters all their lives from Diring-Yuryakh had a chronic lack of fat - the body’s main defense against record frosts. Few cows with low milk yields could not get enough butter. With chronic underfeeding, slaughtering also did not provide sufficient fat. As a result, aryy-sya (butter and lard) were a rare and desirable delicacy of the Yakut people. The richness of all feasts was measured by the amount of oil and lard put on the table. “They had so much butter and lard at the wedding”, “Bytyka Marya had so many chabychakhs of butter”, “Don’t chop the lard” (“Sya kyrbyyr buolbatakh”), “No, it will warm the lard” (“syanan a5aabat”) , they said then. Read the work of R.K. Maak “Vilyuisky district” (St. Petersburg, 1886). He, as they say, did not bend politics and stated the real truth. Then you won’t believe all the “scientific” and “historical” stories about the supposed ancient paradise of the Yakuts. I personally experienced the edge of that “paradise” myself. In the light told, you will understand why bear chalbarangs 'And from Amur to Yamal were called “bear holidays.” Like rich weddings and Ysyakhs, chalbarangs were the only opportunity to eat to the full and enjoy the hottest lard to the fullest. And they didn’t require any wine or kumiss. Chalbarang needed no invitations. There were few people living within an accessible distance, and everyone who wished had the right to come without an invitation. The custom of the ancient Nimaat'a considered the hunted bear not the personal property of the miner. The latter was obliged to give the skin to the eldest or the most beautiful person. If desired, the latter had a preferential right to a beautiful skin if the breadwinner was unmarried. The feast began with the simultaneous feeding of fire and esekeen'a. The pronunciation of any kind of algys was prohibited here.
Fire and esekeen'a were fed silently and plentifully. Esekeen’om they called the head of the bear itself, placed on a special table placed at an honorable corner of the home. The table had a single leg, decorated with transverse lines of charcoal. When “feeding,” the nose and mouth of the animal’s head were rubbed with cow butter, and the bear’s blood and fat were splashed into the fire. At the same time, everyone shouted “huuh!” in unison. Everyone put the first piece of lard and meat into their mouth with the exclamation “Huuh!”, some shouted “Huuh!” accompanied by flapping their arms like wings. This meant that it was not people who feasted on bear meat, but forest crows. After the meal, each person leaving was given a piece of bear meat as a gift to their family. Thus, there was often nothing left of the carcass for the miners themselves. This was an inviolable law of antiquity. Even in his thoughts, the breadwinner had no right to grumble, fearing impending bad luck in the fishery. A similar nimat called “taraan” (from “tar5at” - “distribution”), also spread during the slaughter of cows and horses for meat, a sign of a relatively recent hunt for these animals, like a bear. The saying about that distribution of meat according to the custom of “taraan”, A.P. Okladnikov in the first volume of the “History of the YASSR” translated it as millet (taraan buolan tarkammyt). In fact, that saying only complained about the ruinous nature of the “taraan” custom. A.P. Okladnikov, who did not distribute the meat of his own slaughter animals almost without reserve, how could he understand that this type of nimaat was ruinous for the Yakut'A. The custom with musk deer (buucheen) was instructive. This small, bunny-sized, beautiful animal was almost completely exterminated due to the healing “musk deer stream.” In terms of meat content, one musk deer carcass cannot feed many hungry people. When such a little thing fell into a plane intended for elk, a seriously hilarious scene was staged. Having brought her to the urasa, the residents of the urasa were given conventional signals used in cases of hunting the largest fat elk (“lekay”), that is, when they approached the door, they did not enter, but knocked. To the question: “Who’s there?” They answered: “Bayanai has come, but the doors are too small - he won’t fit in.” The hostess and the kids rushed to feed the fire with joyful laughter, saying: “Thank you Bayanai!” The grown-up son began to demonstrate imitation of cutting off part of the door frame and forced disassembly of part of the entrance in order to drag too large-sized loot into the home. Then everyone present staged the supposed impossibility of lifting a heavy carcass that “wouldn’t fit” into the door; “somehow” dragging in the “great” booty, dancing “huk-huk”, they chanted: “Welcome to us, generous Bayanai.” The ritual ended with the feeding of the personal hunting god. This custom taught people to enjoy great and small gifts equally. It was believed that the god of the hunt favors those who are hospitable and grateful, being angry with the dissatisfied and indifferent. From hunting, I will cite another colorful custom - the custom with the Siberian Crane. The Siberian Crane was considered a bird of both happiness and misfortune. It was generally believed that only a lucky person could see and hear without disturbing the mating dance of the Siberian Cranes. The Siberian Cranes, accidentally startled during the mating dance, were believed to take away some of the happiness of the culprit. Hunting of Siberian Cranes was allowed only during extramarital periods and after the chicks had fully grown. Killing a crane during a mating dance was considered an irreparable sin.
The miner warned his family by knocking not on the door, but on the window. It was forbidden to show noisy joy here. Having silently fed the fire, the hostess through the window passed the woman's dress and scarf to the breadwinner. Slowly, having put on those clothes, the hunter handed the crane crane through the open window to the owner with the words: “The daughter-in-law has arrived. Welcome your guest! The hostess, having seated the “daughter-in-law” at the table of honor, began to treat and treat her daughter-in-law as if she were alive. The ritual was tedious and long, but no one dared to shorten it. Only every other day, when the “daughter-in-law had slept”, did the Siberian Crane go for food like ordinary game. The Siberian Crane was considered a living deity of those who were born from the gods of Song and versification “Yrya Terdutten”. For those, the Siberian Crane was a completely taboo bird with a lot of conventions and rituals. They can only be described in the form of a separate book. In general, being born from yrya terde was considered a misfortune, because the happiness of such people was supposed to consist only of success in creativity, accompanied by continuous bad luck in their personal lives. “He or she is from yrya terdntten” - they said about such people with sad sympathy.
Customs for repairing fate and happiness
Today, the higher the education, the stronger the superstitions have become. Perhaps we will soon reach the below-described custom of the old Yakut theft by parents of their own children from themselves. Thanks to shamans, the illiterate attributed the high cold and environmental child mortality rates to devils. To deceive the latter, they arranged the following. Parents whose children were all dying out, having learned of the upcoming next birth, secretly from everyone, suddenly built a new hut in a fresh place. They selected a bitch who was expecting puppies at the same time as the mother in labor. At the time of permission, only the woman in labor and the midwife should have been present in the old hut. At this time, the husband with the whelping bitch had to be on the road with the horses close to the woman in labor. The midwife let the father of the family know about the permission and completion of the first necessary procedures with the child and the woman in labor by the conventional cry of any bird through an open window. Then the husband with one puppy in his bosom, walking backwards, approached the window and held out the puppy. The grandmother, who came up to the window, also backing away, held out a swaddled child through the window, taking a puppy in return. The husband and child galloped to the new hut. There the child was handed over to a temporary nurse. The grandmother shoved the swaddled puppy into the mud in which the newborn child should have been laid. Having arrived again, the husband threw the bitch and the rest of the puppies into the old hut through another window. Through the same window, a woman in labor and a grandmother climbed out, approaching the window, also backing away. From the window to the horses, everyone moved only backwards, so that there would be no leaving traces. The operation was carried out only in sunlight, in which the devils, being nocturnal creatures, were not supposed to appear and see what was happening. All the simple furnishings of the old hut were left untouched. And the cattle were specially kept in a different place long before giving birth. No one ever returned to that hut. It was forbidden to enter there later. “Clairvoyants” and shamans talked about how the devils, “devouring” newborns, were looking for a child and a family. According to them, the devils, like trackers, carefully searched for traces of the departed. Since there were only traces of those who entered, and no traces were left of those who left, the devils came to the conclusion that there was no woman in labor, and only a bitch had given birth. Many were sure that in this way they got rid of the devils. Surprisingly, the higher the level of wealth of a family, the higher its percentage of childlessness and child mortality became.
In Yakutia of the past, childlessness and infant mortality were the predominant ailment of rich and wealthy families. “The poor are recognized by the crowd of children, and wealth is recognized by the eerie silence of the absence of children’s voices,” they said then. On this occasion, there were discussions about equalizing the types of happiness by fate: for some - in children, for others - in wealth. Based on such judgments about different parts of happiness, all sorts of customs arose to borrow, move, intercept, and even steal happiness. Here are some of them. Families with non-surviving children tried to get themselves an adopted child from large families. Here transmissions through family ties predominated. Wanting to give at least one of their children security or feeling sorry for a relative, poor people with many children quite willingly gave up their child to the rich man. However, in cases of mistreatment of adopted children, there were cases of the children given away by their parents being taken away and the children themselves fleeing back. To avoid the latter, almost everyone preferred to deal only with very young children. There was a belief that if an adopted child ran away, the former childless children who appeared after him would begin to die out again. “The foster child, the keeper of the happiness of all their children, ran away from them,” they said on this occasion. This belief often made the life of a foster child easier in someone else’s family, and many became overly spoiled, because those who suffered through it looked at the foster child literally as the living god of the family. In cases of adoption of children from complete strangers, the purchase and sale of children was also involved. Taking advantage of the secret trade, children were bought from those with many children, even those who were not childless. They bought to turn those bought into cheap workers. This often happened when children were bought from afar, that is, away from their parents’ places of residence. There were opinions that among those given into the wrong hands were children, taking with them all the happiness of the abandoned family and the prosperity of the one that accidentally received that bearer of happiness. Thus, even those with many children tore their own child away from themselves only in extreme cases. Because of this opinion, it was widely practiced to accept orphans into any family. Wherein There were assurances that this or that family began to experience serious changes in its affairs after accepting this or that orphan. The idea of living carriers of happiness and prosperity also extended to living creatures, which were called “uruulaah” and “suehy terde”. They talked about how happiness disappeared from living creatures after death and the sale of “uruulaah” and “suehy terde”. Those who believed in the miracle turned that animal into a living shrine “ytyk s?ehu”. These were a horse, a cow, a deer, a dog. The tail, mane, and horns of such animals were not trimmed. They were not pushed, they were not whipped. IN special days they were decorated with salama: rags and ribbons. Next to such “ytyk”, shamanic “toluk ytyk” (tyyn toluk ytyk), or “ydyk” in Even, could also be found in the family. These were animals on which the shaman “transferred” one or another fatal illness of their owner. These could be any type of domestic animal. It was believed that as long as the animal was alive, its owner should also be healthy. They treated such animals as a person, that is, as their owner. The seasoned ones were in a similar position: “mother-cow” (ie ynakh), “mother-mare” (ie bie), etc. The above attempts to materialize parts of happiness and physically transfer them at their discretion to new addresses are a desire to rebel against the disfavor of rock and fate. It turns out that from the very dawn of dealing sapientation, humanity began to try to regulate with its mind not only the physical levers of survival, i.e., it also showed the makings of a remarkable philosopher. Almost all customs of luring, appeasing and winning over all types of spirits and gods are attempts to regulate the distribution of happiness.
The concept of “bayanaidaah bulchut” (hunter with Bayanay) had both laudatory and condemnatory meanings. In the first case, they meant a master of the craft, favored by the god of the hunt. At the same time, they condemned those hunters who got their luck not through skill, but with the help of shamanic spirits, who forced Bayanai to help that unkindly enterprising fisherman. It was believed that those shamanic spirits helped not for free, but for a bloody sacrifice. According to legends, in the years of successful harvests for game, the bloody sacrifice could be paid off at the expense of hunting trophies. And in seasons of bad luck, the blood payment had to be covered first with the blood of one’s domestic animals, and then with the blood of family members and relatives. And those shamanic devils were considered almost haunting. They did not leave until the clan was completely destroyed. But not all shamans knew how to untie them. There was a custom of acquiring such shamanic spirits and in the matter of enrichment by any kind life values. Those spirits, although they helped to get rich, remained painfully bloodthirsty, as in the shamanic Bayanai. People who had acquired shamanic spirits for the purpose of enrichment were called “nyaadylaah” or “tanghalaah”. In short, those two terms were the names of these shamanic spirits. At the same time, the shamanic “nyaady” is synonymous with the concept “nyaady” - “a woman of kin from the marriage phratry.” The word "tangha" means fate. These shamanic spirits were clearly called “tangha” for Their intervention in the affairs of fate and fate “tangha”. The custom of eavesdropping on tangha is nothing more than eavesdropping on the chatter of such illegal interferers in the affairs of natural “Tangha” (fate) as those shamanic spirits and others. It turns out that the bureaucratic affairs of the fate of the “tangha” were controlled by anyone who was not too lazy. The term “tangha” itself is a monolingual relative of “tangra”. The latter is in the superlative degree with the help of “-ra”. And in the first, the excellent “-ra” was replaced by “ka” (ha) - “man”. The above series also includes the custom of accusations of allegedly stealing milk yield from neighbors’ cows. The reason for this custom to surface was always an epidemic of some kind of lactation disease in dairy cows. The epidemic always arose at the height of the summer high milk supply. Cows suffering from this disease lost a lot of weight, their hair dried out, their tail became brittle, their udders shriveled, their horns, hooves, and teats became covered with cracks. Their milk yield either fell sharply or stopped altogether. In the latter case, clear liquid flowed from the nipples. At the same time, only dairy cows suffered from this disease. As a result of that disease, the death of dairy calves began. The threat of a hungry winter without dairy products hung over the pastoralists. It was then that, out of hopelessness, the cattle breeders began to search with fire during the day for the witch who allegedly “stole” the milk yield of their cows. Those searches were practically the Yakut version of the world famous African “witch hunt”, reminiscent of the search for a “scapegoat”. The search for “witches,” i.e., sorceresses who supposedly conjure milk yield, began with ordinary mass amateur performances, that is, with inventions: supposedly who, when and where “saw with their own eyes” how this or that witch-thief secretly approached other people’s cows and made magical grasping or stroking movements on the udders and coccyx of dairy cows. The number of “eyewitnesses” here increased like inventions of who, where and when saw the abaas.
They also talked about how that sorceress milks milk from one of her cows, equal to the yield of three or four ordinary cows. To those stories they added that the “stolen” witch’s milk was teeming with moving tiny white worms and the milk dishes in her cellar were surrounded by lizards and frogs. Others, passing by, threw various reptiles into the witch’s milk cellar for the sake of tangible “proof.” In terms of the poisonousness and severity of the genre, such “were” had no equal. Here the Yakut storytellers acquired a gift of such fabulous power that N.V. himself Gogol would have envied them. A woman suspected of witchcraft had her milk dishes secretly pierced with “anti-witchcraft” needles, her livestock, house, and buildings were defaced with awls, and her children, husband, and relatives were persecuted. Some of those old poor fellows who had suffered enough still lived to see my youth. According to them, the accusation of such witchcraft “theft of milk” was practically a collective murder, since many of those persecuted committed suicide or went crazy. Such was the cruelty of the “culture” of superstition. However, as I was able to find out later, while studying shamanism, among other peoples of the former USSR, a similar accusation of allegedly stealing the milk yield from neighbors’ cows occurred among almost all cattle breeders of the former USSR. Consequently, lactation disease of loss of milk yield in cows was a common disease of dairy cattle. As for the problem of this type of witchcraft itself, I had suspicions about the possible denial by the persecuted themselves of their former use of that type of witchcraft. In short, and I involuntarily temporarily took the side of the masses, who asserted the existence of the fact of this kind of witchcraft. From here, not believing my personal capabilities, I sent everywhere hot on the trail of that phenomenon experts from among the former shamans who had retired from shamanism due to unnecessary reasons. The latter, who had already put all their shamanic armor in a coffin, willingly began to investigate the survivors of those persecuted for witchcraft “stealing milk.” And their conclusion was the same everywhere. This type of witchcraft had no place at all in the arsenals of magic and sorcery. Therefore, the accused were mere scapegoats for complacency from the epidemic of that lactation disease of dairy cows. It turns out that the cruelty of the situation itself created superstitious cruelty. This raises the question: “What kind of inexorable situations caused the cruelty of the Olonkho’s “heroes” in their time? After all, according to the Olonkho, “heroism” is the cruelest avoidance of peaceful compromises and the resolution of all conflicts with the only fights and stabbings. Will they be useful in the future and real life such cruelty and uncompromising behavior is up to the youth themselves to decide. In addition to the requirements Soviet politics, we will be left to puzzle over the vital reasons for the almost unanimous self-denial of the Olonkhosuts themselves from the Olonkho. The wise creators of the latter clearly saw something compelling them to take such a desperate step. In addition, the indicated decision of the Olonkhosuts turned out to be a repetition of the refusal of epic writers all over the planet to abandon their epics. And the Olonkhosuts were completely illiterate, so that they could be suspected of imitating the general fashion of the planet based on epics. As you can see, it's not that simple. Here we need calm, thoughtful discussions without using the method of former persecution of “witches - thieves for stealing milk.”
Name customs
The personal name and the name of the ethnic group (ethnonym) constitute the personal passport of the people and its constituents. The loss of an ethnonym, family names and ethnic names of a person is the loss of a passport, i.e. the death of an ethnic group, because names are canceled only by death. It is with names that the situation in Yakutia is extremely bad. This culture of the region has almost died irrevocably. During the administrative leapfrog, the names of tribes and clans dating back to the times of management were completely destroyed. They were replaced with local names, as if afraid of getting lost in their native land. This means that the descendants of those tribes turned into nameless chocks. Illiterate officials of the voivodeship understood and cherished those monuments of ancient culture more than the later highly educated ones. It turns out that education does not help in understanding cultural values.
Ethnonyms of ethnic groups are also treated haphazardly. This is due to the fact that their composition changes from day to day. The rubberiest of all is the composition of the few. As soon as the next benefits appear, the few people run from one ethnic group to another and back again. And the reduction of their numbers in this way is considered by those who do not understand to the physical death of the ethnic group. However, desertion to a foreign ethnic group has been a pattern since ancient times of the disappearance of ethnic groups in which shame for their ethnic group went to liquidate that ethnic group. This process is always inexorable, because it depends on the loss of ethnic pride. The noted shifts from ethnic group to ethnic group are also associated with the initial artificiality of the creation of ethnic groups in Yakutia. They were created in the form of administrative units for the convenience of collecting yasak and organizing self-government: more precisely, mutual responsibility. However, the creation of those ethnic groups encountered insurmountable obstacles. There were no ethnic groups in Yakutia when the Russians arrived. None of the Yakuts recognized anything other than their clan. The latter did not have time to form ethnic groups themselves. This is understandable. After all, clans are formed into tribes and ethnic groups under conditions of the need to organize collective self-defense from external and internal enemies. Yakutia was reliably protected from external enemies by Father Frost and the distance. And there were no internal enemies in Yakutia because there was nothing to plunder. Each family lived tens of kilometers from the nearest neighbor. She somehow fed herself from hunting and fishing for deer and kept a few cows and mares for milk for the children. This reindeer herding began to disintegrate into specialized branches under the tsar and collective farms. Part of it remains to this day. The voivodeship initially tried to divide these Yakutians into volosts in Russian style, placing at their head the “lutch” with the titles “prince” or “tiun”. Nobody recognized those units.
They didn’t even come to ransom “amanates,” that is, hostages, because the births were not administrative, but only to recognize who to marry. There was no management or power in those clans. That is why olonkho until the 19th - 20th centuries. could not come up with either a policeman or stewards with authority. Since there were no prisons, no police, no authorities, there could be no talk of power or statehood. It was a primitive system uncontrollable by anyone, where each individual did not command anyone, did not obey anyone. All this is clearly outlined in the olonkho and in legends. They did not provide comprehensive opportunities to create yasa-paying units and language oases. Their boundaries were unclear, and multilingualism was widespread. In yasak lists, very often the same person had several names in different languages. In old legends and stories there is not a word about translators and language difficulties in communication. In addition, it was impossible to distinguish a Dolgan from a Yakut, a Tungus from a Lamut, a Koryak from a Chukchi by language. Finally, the voivodeship decided to create administrative ethnic groups (yasak-paying units) based on linguistic and occupational characteristics. Thus, all northern “foot” wholesalers were called Yukaghirs, reindeer herders - Lamuts and Tungus (on the Amur “Orochi”, “Oroks”, “Orochens”, that is, reindeer), “horsemen” were called Yakuts - Yakolts. At the same time, tax benefits were provided only if there was “horsepower”. That is why the Olonkho began to highlight the possession of a horse. Because of those benefits, almost all the small numbers went to join the ranks of the mounted Yakuts and Buryats. Thus, without noticing it, the voivodeship marked the beginning of the desertion of the few from their ethnic group and language.
The creation of ethnic groups on unequal preferential terms immediately turned into an ethnic scandal that lasted a century and a half. Among the Yakuts, it was dubbed the “bloody age of the Kyrgyz” or “the century of hunting people for their names” (aatyn ylaary). According to the popular interpretation, the “Kyrgyz century” hunted for everyone in order to “take away their name.” In other words, yasak collectors hunted for everyone so that his name could be entered as a yasak payer in the lists of one or another newly created ethnic group, without asking where he wanted to go. But he could not ask, because everyone was eager to sneak into the preferential “Yakuts”. The dissatisfied fled en masse. Historians called this phenomenon “the mass resettlement of Yakuts to the outskirts,” but it should have been called “a general rebellion against forced registration into ethnic groups.” Those reindeer herders who had fewer horses and cows, and therefore were not included in the lists of “Yakuts,” became fugitives. It was especially hard on the Saga-speaking Dolgans, when the wealthier ones easily found their way onto the lists of “Yakuts.” This is how the separation of the Dolgans from the Yakuts and the merger of some of them with the Yakuts happened. This phenomenon destroyed the appearance of a language bridge that transferred Saga-language from hand to hand from the Yenisei Khakass Saga-language to the inhabitants of Lena. How the “Kyrgyz bloody hunt” proceeded in practice for each name of the “unknown” “descended” for inclusion in the lists of ethnic groups was preserved by the children’s “game of Kyrgyz”. When I was little, I played that game. The game started with catch-up. Having caught up, they either entered into a fight or a struggle. The winner sat astride the defeated one, shouting: “Will you pay tribute?” (Daangnyn biere5in duo?) or “Are you giving away your name?” (Aakkyn biere5in duo?). The hot guys couldn't get through this game without bleeding from their noses. This was the game of “Kyrgyz blood”. The children didn’t pick up that game out of thin air. This was clearly the picture of the administrative “birth” of the ethnic groups of Yakutia through the personal capture of everyone for inclusion in the lists of tax payers, i.e., in the newly created ethnic groups. Hence, those yasak lists are the birth certificates of all ethnic groups of Yakutia. It is impossible to find a more precise document.
Actually, “ethnicity”, “people” and “nation” are political and administrative concepts for collective self-defense or for the collective imposition of one’s will on others who are weaker. Even the illiterate Yakuts of the 19th century understood this “birth” of the Yakuts as a people. And they unanimously begin their pedigree from Tygyn, a man of the 17th century. It turns out that scientific Yakut studies are inferior to those Yakuts of the 19th century in understanding the everyday truths of life. When ethnic groups were created through such administration, ethnonyms were assigned to them not at all according to desires. Dissatisfaction with this was expressed in the form of the emergence of self-designations on a massive scale, translated as “real person.” These are: Nenets - Neney, Gold - Ulch, Oirot - Tyva, etc. The ethnonym “yaka” (yuka) is an exact copy of the Yukagir “yuka”, only without the “-gir”. The Yakut “Odun haantan” (“from the blood of Odun”) is again an exact copy of the Yukaghir odul. Only plural numbers are formed from different sounds “-n” and “-l”. The Yukagir “omok” among the Yakuts “omuk” is a marriage phratry. The American Indians also had the Omok tribe (see: the song “Pipe of Peace” in the epic “The Song of Hiawatha”). The Yakut “hoy bakha” - skull worship - is again a copy of the Yukaghir skull worship “koil”. “Tyy”, “khayyhrar” of the Yakuts are similar to the Yukaghir. The Yakut “ungk” and “ungkuu” are constructed in the Yukaghir style. Are there too many parallels? Then where does “sakha” come from? This is Yaka, Haka, Sakha - the name of three saga languages: the Khakass Saga language, the Dolgan Saga language and the Yakut Saga language. And what reason do we have not to believe the statement of the Yakut language itself that it comes from three saga languages “us Sakha”, born from the language Uren-Urenkhai, Urengoy? And why doesn’t he declare that he is also from the Turkic, Honghuz-Hun, Mongolian and Kurykan languages? It turns out that we biasedly close our ears when a living witness speaks not in our favor. Still, we accidentally hit the mark when we named our republic “Sakha-Yakutia,” because we distinguished ourselves from Saga-Khakass and from Saga-Dolgan. Now we have to revive the face of the people in personal names. After all, it was not in vain that the “Kyrgyz century” hunted for our names. For destroying them and replacing them with church names, they were given the title “newly baptized,” exempted from tribute for a short time, and even given some coppers. In order not to be branded “backward,” our ancestors, back in the 17th century, sold their culture of names not for pieces of silver, but for pitiful coppers. Today, to restore them, it is necessary to overcome the barbed wire of laws. Only writers and journalists have the right to an unlegitimized false “Yakut” name. And those names of theirs still bear the names of false names - pseudonyms. Now they are changing passports, and replacing official names with your own Yakut ones would be completely painless. You will probably only need official permission.
Language customs
Linguistic customs and customs, according to the characteristics of an individual’s personal differences, are located at the boundaries of various branches of knowledge. The latter either nod at each other, or do not find themselves knowledgeable enough to undertake to study such wide-ranging things as these customs. As a result, the latter remain not only unstudied, but even adequately described. Hence, often even among academics of the past, ideas about them remain at the level of the most ancient, most downtrodden old women of pre-revolutionary times. Here you don’t have to look far for examples. After all, for more than three centuries, many Yakut academicians, like ancient grandmothers, had to assure their readers that the Turkic language could have been brought to Yakutia only by the creators of the Turkic language themselves personally. In short, they were (and remain to this day) confident that languages were delivered and are delivered to foreign-speaking regions only by the language creators themselves personally, through their resettlement. Other ways of language transmission were not and are not recognized. From similar grandma's insanity ideas about the Yakuts, our Yakut studies for more than three centuries consider the indigenous population to have arrived in Yakutia from the south, and the Yakuts themselves are declared not to be considered an independent people, but only the scum of the Turkic-Mongols - in the same way as it is not customary not to consider the Siberian ethnic group as an independent one. Russians. The educated part of today's Yakuts are happy and happy about such a “theoretical” destruction of the Yakuts as a people and proudly pass off the bloody victories of foreign kaganates and khanates as “Yakut history” and “Yakut victory.”
In the euphoria of such passing off someone else's history as their own, the past of the Yakuts remained completely unexplored. There is a blank spot there... In order not to argue pointlessly about the past, let's take a look at what are the customs of spreading languages to foreign-language territories. In today's Yakutia, learning foreign languages is becoming fashionable. Many of the Yakuts already have a good command of foreign languages. Based on the experience of “studying” the past, from the indicated fact that many Yakuts speak foreign languages, Yakut studies should have already concluded that those foreign-speaking Yakuts descended from foreigners who moved to Yakutia and personally conveyed to the Yakuts both their blood kinship and their languages. And, lo and behold: Yakut studies are silent about how those foreign languages got to Yakutia, and do not talk about the origin of foreign-speaking Yakuts from Napoleon, Churchill and Barbarossa. Foreign language teachers in today's Yakutia are mainly the Yakuts themselves, who learned those languages not in the foreign countries themselves, but in the cities of Russia. Hence, it turned out that the desired foreign language can be obtained not necessarily from the hands of the language creators themselves, but in a relay race, through transmission links. Then, even in the Yakutia of the past, where there were no planes, no trains, no highways, alien distant languages could hardly make their way in any other way than through multi-link relay races. It is only the illiteracy of those who passed the baton that can explain such a state of the Turkic language of the Yakuts that this language is not able to be understood by any of the Turkic speakers of either the past or the present. For greater depth of knowledge of languages and to broaden their horizons, the wealthy part of today's Yakutians have gotten into the habit of traveling to Western foreign countries. Upon arrival from there, they become the most fashionable people in the region and a clear living example for people to follow in switching to the languages they have learned. If this current custom is transferred to the past of Yakutia, then it was not strangers who should have moved to Yakutia to deliver southern languages, but on the contrary, the Yakutians themselves, who envied the south, should have often gone south for languages and knowledge, because bread itself does not go with the mouth. It was the “developed” people who had gone there that the Yakutians should imitate out of envy, and not strangers, uninvited random newcomers from outside. Those who do not want to admit such a fact should be reminded that the Yakut people, until the second half of the 20th century, did not want to replace their native languages with Russian, despite the abundance of Russians in Yakutia from the 20th to the 20th centuries. On the other hand, it was much easier for Yakutians to travel to the south than for a southerner to go to Yakutia. The fact is that a pure southerner cattle breeder could not get into Yakutia due to the lack of feed for livestock for thousands of miles. And a Yakutian reindeer herder could easily cover that path on reindeer, subsisting on hunting and fishing and being a guest of foresters like himself. Office Yakut studies have never paid attention to the purely practical aspects of the spread of language and folklore and the origin of the Yakuts. It delved only into dubious half-similarities of words and sounds and moved its index finger over the map of Asia. They did not pay attention to the practice of life because of a biased disdainful attitude towards the Yakuts, not considering them an active and self-motivated people, capable of going far into the world on their own.
Yakut studies have always proceeded from the opinion that the Yakut of the past did not have a thinking head, and could only skillfully and ineptly borrow the ready-made solutions of other smart strangers. In short, the resettlement theory openly considered the Yakuts to be savages. With a different approach, the forgeries of Er Sogotokh Elyai’s descent from heaven, filled with tales of fools, would not have been presented as evidence of resettlement from the south - as a descent downstream from the upper reaches of the Lena. Under today's customs, the main reasons for replacing the native language with a foreign one are either a numerical minority in the prevailing foreign language environment, or the loss of the native language's nourishing qualities. A numerical minority of semi-lingual people in the Yakut-speaking environment was created during the settlement and consolidation of settlements. From that point on, the languages of the small-numbered and the number of the small-numbered themselves began to disappear through the replacement of ethnicity. That phenomenon today is often declared the extinction of the few. But in reality, this is not extinction, but desertion from the ranks of one’s own ethnic group and the transition of deserters to the ranks of other ethnic groups. And this happens for several reasons. The main one is shame for one’s ethnicity and envy of others. This is an eternal reason that destroyed all the departed ethnic groups and peoples of the planet. Shame about one’s ethnicity and envy of others is a terribly sticky psychological epidemic. As soon as the symptoms of this epidemic appear, a rare ethnic group recovers and the patient becomes almost doomed. Language restoration measures alone cannot save such patients. Shame for one’s ethnic group and envy of others corrodes such an ethnic group, like rust corrodes metal. Before Soviet times, while the Yakuts were proud of their victories over the smaller ones, the strong Yakut ethnic group was one of the healthiest in its region. But after the spread of confusion about the supposedly southern origin of the people through education, the first rust of envy of the southerners and a feeling of shame for their birth in the North and for belonging to an overly peaceful ethnic group that did not stain its biography with a spilled sea of alien blood appeared in the soul of the Yakut ethnic group. And shame for the excessive peacefulness of their dealing ancestors forced them to declare their ethnic group descended from anyone who distinguished themselves by shedding more blood. The amount of other people's blood shed became a standard: only among such people did educated Yakuts go looking for their supposed ancestors of antiquity. At the same time, they forget their chronic small numbers from ancient times; and such a quantity during the large-scale bloodshed of antiquity never led to survival. And the ancestors of the Yakuts could not be the only exception in these ancient meat grinders. Because of that rye, envy of strangers began to spread from the second half of the 20th century. mass loss of Yakut language among young people. The threat of the imminent loss of Yakut language hung over the ethnic group. It was then that the commotion of the struggle for the revival of the native language and the struggle for culture began. At the same time, while preaching national revival with some lips, with others they continue to raise shame for their ethnicity: “It’s a shame to be a Yakut - we are Xiongnu-Hunhuz and Turks - the descendants of the ancient destroyers of peoples!” And with such shame for their ethnicity they dream of saving their ethnicity from disintegration... Meanwhile, the custom of the disintegration of the Yakut language into unstickable fragments of professional “languages” and the replacement of the native language with foreign ones has already become an inexorably uninhibited pattern. In the future, the Yakut language will face the same fate that befell the languages of small populations. The loss of the native language began in cities, regional centers and industrial settlements. The process is now moving to larger and smaller villages in the outback. As soon as the railway brings in an additional contingent of foreign speakers, the process will begin to gallop. Hence, the initial spread of Saga-paganism (instead of Tungus-paganism) clearly followed the same pattern as today, from epicenters to peripheries.
Remnants of the same process, with even the same accents, persist to this day. However, there is no one to study their patterns and details: everything is blamed on the dialects of the “single, indivisible” Yakut language, even to the point of classifying the Dolgan Saga language, the ancestor of the Yakut Saga language, as a dialect of the Yakut language. The attribution of the Dolgan Saga language to the Yakut language deceived all Yakut studies, destroying the bridge that delivered elements of the Khakass Saga language in relay to Yakutia. If the Kurykan language had delivered, then the Yakut language would not have called itself “Saga-language”, but “Kurykan-language” or “Turkic language”. However, Yakut customs are accustomed to listening only to what they want and close their ears when the Yakut language itself says about itself that it is only a “Saga language”, and not a Turkic or Kurykan, Mongol, or Hun language. In short, bias was born before the educated Yakuts themselves. There is practically no one to study the reasons for the Yakut language’s self-preparation for the departure into oblivion. The measures being taken today to save the language, in my opinion, will, on the contrary, lead to an acceleration of the demise of the language. First of all, inventing new, out-of-the-blue terms for the most popular concepts with additional complications will further push away those who want to use it from the language. Replenishing the dictionary with long-forgotten archaics that served concepts and activities long gone from life will be an unnecessary burden on the brain. Enriching the dictionary in this way, of course, will serve as a source of pride when the Yakut language later takes its place among the dead languages. Today, the abandoned Yakut language no longer needs to be complicated by mothballs, but to be simplified and made laconic and business-like. A similar process is taking place everywhere on the planet today. There, things got to the point where literary classics were replaced by short comics and the laconic business language of journalism became dominant. Spontaneously, the language of journalism has long become dominant in our country. Only his efficiency has recently been upset by the fashion of the novel “Tygyn Darkhan” and the language of shamanism. Both of these fashions introduced archaism and florid eloquence and verbosity. The very course of life began to require savings not only in rubles, but also in words. The real reasons for the gradual retreat from life of the Yakut language and minority languages do not lie in a lack of patriotism. These languages are gradually losing their feeding qualities due to attachments to types of occupations that are losing their profitability. For example, all indigenous languages have been used since ancient times for hunting, fishing and reindeer herding. Given the current violations of human capacity and ecology, those types of activities almost cease to feed their adherents. Along with them, the languages that serve them begin to agonize. Here, patriotism alone cannot revive those languages. The most agile of the small-numbered Yakuts have long since moved to cities and industrial towns with other languages and types of occupations. And such an act cannot be condemned: after all, they cannot die along with the dying types of occupations and the languages that serve them. It’s another matter when, if they wished, they could try to preserve their ancient languages as a means of communication with their fellow tribesmen in a new place of residence and new activities. However, even here they are hindered by the lack of compact living conditions. The Yakut language has exactly the same fate. After the unblocking of the veteran Deering - reindeer herding, the acquisition of independence as a branch of cattle breeding and reindeer herding, those types of farming gradually began to dig their own future grave. In other words, they went to violate human capacity and destroy the self-protective virginity of nature.
Because of such sacrilege, their former main source of life - hunting and fishing - began to disappear. All types of livestock farming used to be only auxiliary industries to the main ones - hunting and fishing. So, the Yakuts even before R.K. Maaka, that is, until the middle of the 19th century, remained tree-eaters and fish-eaters. Today, finally deprived of a food supply, Yakut cattle breeding is gradually ceasing to feed the Yakuts. Along with the extinction of cattle breeding, the Yakut language associated with it is naturally on the decline. The latter will be given a fresh breath if they manage to integrate the Yakut language into new non-pastoral feeding activities. And if they fail, patriotism alone cannot save the language. In the ancient East, they cut off the head of a messenger who brought bad news. Just like that wild custom, the author of these lines has to fear that emotional fellow tribesmen would attack him for the truth conveyed here about the fate of the Yakut language and minority languages. However, someone needs to tell the naked truth so that other heads will join in the search for a way out of that impending inexorable pattern. But keeping silent will not help matters here. Today's custom of replacing the native language has clearly clarified a number of other issues that had to be puzzled over when recreating pictures of the origin of the Yakuts. It turned out that language is by no means the property of any ethnic group or people. Attributing it to a specific ethnic group can often turn out to be a simple privatization by something other than the original creator of the language. Language is not a servant of an ethnic group, but a slave of the type of occupation it serves. For example, the pastoral language is absolutely indifferent to who’s ethnicity will use it. He will serve with equal zeal anyone of any origin who has undertaken to feed himself on the type of cattle breeding he serves. Thus, the Turkic language served equally from Baikal to Istanbul in all centuries who took up its cattle breeding. Among these were the Kok Turks, Tavgachi, Urankhai-Ayrats (Arats), Sogdians, Kushans, Bactrians, Parthians, Oguzes, Seljuks, Ottomans, Tatars, Tatabians, etc. Who was the original author of that language has been hidden for centuries. It is possible that it was taken away and privatized along with cattle breeding from some destroyed tribe. It turns out that the type of occupation that turned out to be enviable to others, together with the serving language, like a thing, wandered from hand to hand. With such a transfer, like a trophy coin, many of the temporary privatizers were physically exterminated, leaving only the type of occupation with his servant-language that survived. Only those languages that served a type of occupation that was unattractive to others did not budge. For example, tongues that served the circumpolar hunting of arctic marine animals will not be picked up where those marine animals are not present. The Turkic language of the Khakass Saga from the Yenisei through the Dolgans went to the Lena because of reindeer herding. And then he did not go entirely, but only in that part that turned out to be suitable only for the cattle-breeding part of the Dolgan-Yakut reindeer herding. This explained the incomplete copying of the Khakass Saga language by the Dolgan and Yakut Saga languages. And if the Dolgan and Yakut Saga languages turned out to be different, then the types of their reindeer herding were different.
In Yakut Turkology, it was in vain that they were and are looking for kinship in nominal stems, because the victorious language threw out from the defeated language everything that was similar to its lexical fund. From the defeated language he took for himself only dissimilarities. Hence, nominal stems are not the main indicators of the marriage of languages. Indicators of language mergers are suffixes, affixes, prefixes, and inflections. Their set can describe how many and whose hands the language has been in. As today's customs have shown, the main figure in replacing the linguistic appearance of a region is not an outsider with his imported language, but the aborigine himself, in imitation of someone, replacing his native language with a foreign one. Here the only exception is the development of desert corners by a single newcomer population. And in replacing the native language with a foreign one, the only actors become the children, whom their parents translate from the cradle into a foreign language. In the transition of children to a foreign language, which changes the linguistic appearance of the region, the main interested parties are not aliens, but the child’s parents themselves. And they change the child’s language in order to provide their child with a promising feeding language. Here the ingenuity of parents is inexhaustible. They obtain the necessary language in any way. Well-established customs of changing languages and ethnic affiliations are essentially the main cuisine of both the “birth” and collapse of an ethnic group and people. In other words, contrary to the opinions of ancient grandmothers and some scientists, not a single ethnic group or people was born ready-made with a single jerk of the mother in the maternity ward and did not die with its last exhalation in the hospital. People-forming processes in the guise of various customs proceeded in the inconspicuous grayness of everyday life, from the initial pecking of weak signs of the emergence of linguistic jargon to the complete attenuation of signs of a vanishing ethnic group and people, that is, an ethnic group and people “are born” and “die” at the same time. And, not understanding this duality of the process, grandmothers and scientists are looking for the most accurate down to the minute “date of birth” of this or that ethnic group and people. Such lapses are justified only in those cases when peoples and ethnic groups “give birth” to decrees and orders, decisions and resolutions of administrative institutions, such as “to form a people called “Khakas” and name lists of Yakutians in the 17th century, dividing the Yakutians into tax-paying administrative units.” Yakol", "Tungus", "Lamut", "Chukchi", "Dolgan", "Yukaghir", etc. The pre-Russian mutual influence of linguistic oases on each other, which took place without political division into ethnic groups, practically continues today in the form of the customs of replacing relatives languages and ethnic groups. Working on the revival of customs, in fact, it was necessary to entrust the revival of precisely these two ultra-basic customs into reliable hands. And today by customs we mean more the customs of superstitions and the little things of everyday theatricality. We search for them with all our might during the day, invent supposedly ancient ones on our own, and try to force them into the brains of schoolchildren, regardless of whether they will be useful in their practical life in the 21st century. At the same time, we consider the main thing to be an excessive emphasis on national characteristics. In short, emphasizing those theatrical customs, we represent the 21st century, nothing less than the stage of a variety theater. What if that 21st century turns out to be not a stage for pop music and the protrusion of national characteristics will be accepted by the numerical majority as a demonstrative challenge to others... The customs of replacing languages and ethnic groups in Yakutia since the 17th century. continue to this day. They continue as a single continuous process. The task of the ethnographer, folklorist, linguist and historian is to carefully observe all the features and details of this huge laboratory of life. Since the 17th century to this day, that process remains unchanged: children are the physical reinforcers of replacements with foreign ones of their native language and ethnicity; Their parents choose promising languages for them; It is not immigrants who teach a foreign language to a child, but their bilingual parents or their fellow tribesmen who have mastered a foreign language; the transition to foreign languages and ethnic groups becomes widespread only when teaching a foreign language becomes widespread, teaching that language is carried out en masse by their fellow tribesmen, and when a massive number of fellow tribesmen begins to feed on the fruits of the type of occupation that is served by that prestigious language.
Thus, the mass Russification of the Yakuts with the loss of their Yakut language began only in the second half of the 20th century, when a huge army of Russian language teachers appeared from the Yakuts themselves and when a large mass of Yakuts and when there were almost no people left among the Yakuts who did not understand Russian speech. When we transfer this current picture of the Russification of the Yakuts to the ancient replacement of languages in Yakutia, we get the following scenario. In large and medium toponyms, as well as in one-two-syllable ancient ethnonyms of the entire North of Eurasia and America, only the same varieties of languages of the Ugro-Samodi system dominate circumpolarly. Consequently, the original inhabitants of the ancient northern hemisphere were only the Diringovians, who spoke the Ugro-Samodi language system. Subsequently, various branches of that system of paleolanguages began to form myriads of independent local languages through interbreeding. In Yakutia, due to the unique features of the cold pole citadel, those ancient languages and ethnonyms remained until the 17th century. preserved as if in a museum of curiosities. Before Tungusic language, this region was probably dominated by the languages of Odul (Odun), Alai and Hanga-Yi (Ngan-Yi or Maya-Mayaatov-Nganasan). The Odul-Odun languages belong to the group of Ugric languages. Alai - apparently, to Khanty-language, and Khanga (Khangal) to self-dilingualism. These are the conditions under which the legend of the famous “Yukaghir fires” or bonfires may have arisen. That ancient Ugric-self-language was first rammed from the Pacific Ocean to the Ob by Tungus-language, which appeared out of nowhere. The epicenter of the emergence of this mass paganism was clearly not located on the outskirts of the region. Otherwise, its spread over the entire region would have left legends such as military campaigns and mass migrations of Turkic-speaking people to the West. Tungusic language, apparently, originated somewhere in the center of the region and began to spread in all directions, like circles of waves on water from a fallen object. Only such dissemination could be silent and non-sensational. In any case, after the Ugric-Samodi of antiquity, the Tungus language was the pre-Turkic complete ruler of the linguistic background of Yakutia. Toponymy also confirms this. The economic basis of Tungus-speaking was apparently reindeer herding. About how in life itself the replacement of the former universal Tungus language of Yakutia with the Saga language took place with the subsequent replacement of the ethnicity of the Yakuts, all those who have sought and are seeking the origin of the Yakuts have remained silent and remain silent. They are silent because the reconstruction of the life picture of those replacements will make the hunt for a similarity of the word “Sakha” pointless to give away the history of the emergence of this unique birth in the history of an entire nation over the centuries. Meanwhile, they all publicly admit that the Yakut Saga language is a hybrid language that arose only in Yakutia itself. From such recognition it would seem that recognition of the emergence of the Sakha people themselves in Yakutia itself should follow as a consequence of the replacement of the former native Tungus language with a hybrid Saga language. The birth of a people has never preceded the transition to a new “native” language. With the exception of administrative-order replacements of ethnicity without taking into account language, as in Khakassia and Yakutia in the 17th century. the appearance of the Saga-pagan oasis was not an indicator of the “birth” of ethnic groups. In addition, the term “saga” is only the name of a language, which was later transferred to the newly formed ethnic groups as their ethnonym.
The word “saga” most likely once meant “language”, for the first reading book for Yakut children was named “sakha sangata” instead of “sakha rear”. From the same word “saga” came the names of the epics “The Saga of the Forsytes”, “The Saga of the Nivelungs”, the Vietnamese newspaper “Nyan-zan”, as well as among the Nganasan Mayaats “sang” - “language”. In the case of ethnonymic origin, the word “saga” still does not begin with the sound “s”, because in the regions of the Yenisei and Lena there was no Iranian-language ethnonym “sak”. The Tungus-speaking Yenisei and Lena ethnonym “saga” was pronounced as “dyoko” and “nyoko”. Consequently, they meant “yaka” from: the group “yu”, “yuren”, “yurenhai”, “yurengoy”. It has already been noted above that everyone; In ancient times, language was the servant not of an ethnic group, but of a type of occupation and served equally everyone, regardless of ethnicity, who undertook to feed on the type of occupation it served. Since the types of occupations of the same name are professionalized within themselves according to their specifics, the languages of the same name that served those specialized parts of the types of occupations of the same name should have been divided according to their professions, into their internal different types. So, for example, an accountant is an accountant. And accordingly, according to their specialization, accountants are divided into transport accountants, trade accountants, construction accountants, etc. It is precisely this specialization, in conjunction with territorial divisions, that apparently created the hacking and shecking dialects and many dialects of the Evenki language. At the same time, the general Tungus language, clearly not without specialization and attachment to specific natural and climatic zones, split into its Even, Evenki and Manchu branches. Hence, the southern Manchurian branch could not take root in the Arctic with its mountain-subpolar reindeer herding, and the Amur subtropical branch of the Evenki language could not adapt to the conditions of Olenyok reindeer herding. The homeland of the Huns was clearly the arid steppes and semi-desert regions close to the Gobi Desert. They talk about the favorite routes of their predatory campaigns. They stormed the waterless Khingan, threatened China across the sands and forced them to build a great wall. In their right mind, such robbers would not have ventured towards the Pole of Cold. In terms of professionalization, cattle breeding and the language of the ancient Turks were similar to the Huns. The language and economy of the Aigurs (Uyghurs) were the same. Only their ethnonym is close to the Yenisei Samodi. However, their military-food purpose cattle breeding, unable to survive without robbery, would hardly of its own free will turn its face to the North towards piecemeal small pastures, forests and cold weather. To derive the ancestors of the Yakuts from those three minions of steppe robberies was complete absurdity, both in economic and linguistic terms. It was unacceptable even to send refugees and deserters from among them towards Yakutia, for the wolf, even on his deathbed, is drawn to the sheepfolds, and not to the side where there is nothing to profit from. It is because of such comprehensive illogicalities that supporters of southern origin were afraid to economically recreate the life picture of the “relocations” of the ancestors of the Yakuts from the south.
Linguistic customs are the same age as humanity itself. As noted above, their lack of study has created misunderstandings in almost all areas of humanities. That is why it was necessary to devote a little more space to this custom than to other customs. I believe that my readers will understand that these brief notes contain more than half a century of the author’s observations in all areas of life. Those comments by the author are only theses for future major monographic research by followers of his views on this issue and problem. In this abstract-brief monograph, the author was forced to highlight only a few customs. Today's economy forced him to such laconicism. However, it would be a sin for the author to complain about this feature of life. The need for economy in humanities research has matured since the last century. The value of work was then measured not by the value of thought, but by the thickness of the page and the number of units published. The continuation of such customs of the humanities, together with a sea of newsprint, began to threaten in the near future the complete destruction of the remnant of the planet's forests - the lungs of the globe. Hence, we must welcome the forced limitation of life itself, excessive verbosity with unnecessary waste of money and paper.
The custom of disgust “plow, plow!”
Genuine disgust is revealed in extreme situations. In my long wanderings in search of the “ancestral homeland” of my ancestors, I did not leave a blank spot for myself from the entire territory of the former USSR. At the same time, I did not find anyone equal in disgust to the Yakuts. The latter, due to disgust, had little left for food for small children and pregnant women, who were fed only fresh meat and confidently safe food. As soon as a woman became pregnant, they began to feed her freshly killed game and still living fish, boiling them without delay. A fish that managed to “fall asleep” was considered unsuitable for it. Meat, even recently slaughtered, was considered unsuitable for babies and women in labor. It was forbidden to serve them even warmed food today. Everything was served to them freshly cooked and fresh. They tried not to serve livestock meat to these protected people, believing that cattle suffered from human diseases. Of those judgments, none of the Yakuts even took raw milk and products into their mouths: “Pyy, raw!” and turned away with disgust. Hence the swearing: “belenekhho meskeibut” (raised on raw yogurt), that is, unclean.” Sour milk suorat was made from boiled milk. Raw water was also not consumed. Even when chilled, they unmistakably recognized where the boiled and unboiled water was. A very limited number of living creatures were considered edible by appearance, smell and food. Academician Johann Georg Gmelin clearly did not like the Yakuts of the past for some reason. In response to his questions about edibles, they listed only inedibles: dogs, cats, reptiles, even the placenta of women and cattle. Presumably, the same thing is in the opposite order: shamans also gave information in response to annoying questions about their professional secrets. In 40 - 50 years. XX century (and in response to my personal questions about the affairs of shamans) they directly demanded: “Show first what you know and can do, and I will tell you accordingly.” Others jokingly advised asking their more talkative clients about it.
This is almost all the scientific information from all published and unpublished shamanism. Stroganina was then made from the largest and fattest river fish for the reason that those reservoirs did not directly pollute the water with their waste. The estates of the latter were never located on the windy banks of large rivers. Cattle meat was always eaten only in thoroughly boiled and fried forms. Horse meat and foal were treated differently, since the entire population of horses was kept in distant, inviolable wild pastures. Hence their meat was considered guaranteed against human contamination. This type of meat was boiled and fried almost only for the sake of pasteurization (“suulungui” - undercooking, preserving juices). Horse meat and foal, due to their natural purity, were also used for planing. They disdained to eat thawed stroganina from fish and foal. Until recently, there were disputes among the Yakuts themselves over the assessment of the qualities of natural purity of various types of pickled fish. There was even swearing “symahyt”. The later preservers of “Syma” were the outlying regions. And archaeological excavations revealed that those who started the culture of “Syma” were the Central Yakut people of Diringov and Kuullaty Urekh. The findings put an end to the abuse of “Symahyt”. It turned out that the Yakutians mastered the technology of fermenting fish and meat extremely successfully: poisoning from pickling products similar to poisoning from canned food has never happened. The masterful use of fermentation technology can also be evidenced by the production of several types of arrow poisons by the Yakut people in the past. The latter acted almost like curape.
Different customs
1. People of any shamanic profession were not allowed to participate in any festivals or celebrations. Their appearance at holidays and celebrations was among the bad omens.
2. The knife was not included in the gifts. If they gave it as a gift, it was done by first tapping the tip on metal or stone. The knife with a dull edge was given as a gift to the person who gave the dog.
3. In any case, it was customary to give a knife to anyone only with the side of the handle, holding it by the edge. In cases of a challenge to single combat (duel), instead of the European throwing of the gloves on the floor, they handed the knife to the enemy with the tip forward.
4. It was forbidden to stir up coals and fuel in a fire, hearth and fireplace with a knife, palm tree, pike, pitchfork or anything sharp.
6. It was considered offensive to treat guests to the shoulder blade and part of the neck, called hoolduk.
7. Steamed horses, wrestlers, and runners were “tied out” until they cooled down, without giving a single drop of drink. The serge hitching post was invented to prevent a sweaty horse from grabbing the snow before it cooled. If the rules of “tying out” were violated, the steamed ones developed a difficult-to-treat cold called “urut” (opoi). With this disease, the first thing that occurred was chronic diarrhea with inflammation of the pins in horses. Horses spoiled by this disease were slaughtered for meat.
8. Seleen was considered punishable ’om destruction and digging of graves.
According to the customs of the Yakut people, I have a lot of accumulated knowledge over my long practice. If there are specific, concise orders supported by specific sponsors, I can continue publishing.
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